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OUTLINE 

OF 

THE REVOLUTION 

IN 
% 

SPANISH AMERICA. 



OUTLINE 

OF - 

THE R IE V O IL U T I O N 

IN 

SPANISH AMERICA; 

OR 

AN ACCOUNT 

OF THE 

Origin.^ Progress^ and Actual State of the War 

CARRIED ON BETWEEN 

SPAIN AND SPANISH AMERICA | 

CONTAINING 

THE FRINCrPAL FACTS WHICH HAVE MARKED 
THE STRUGGLE. 



BY A SOUTH-AMERICAN. 



Fata viam invenienh JE^n. lib 




J^EW-YORK 

PUBLISHED BY JAMES EASTBURN AND CO. 

Literary Rooms, Broadway. 

Clayton k Kingsland, Printers. 

1817,, 






?#V 



fif/O-^ 



PREFACE. 



THE object of the present publication is 
to give an outline of the origin, progress, ^nd 
actual state of the Revolution in Spanish 
America. The author has confined himself, 
as much as possible, to the simple relation 
of facts, leaving it to his readers to draw 
their conclusions from them. All that is 
contained in the book is to be found in offi- 
cial and other authentic documents. Of 
many of the facts related, the author himself 
has been witness, and of many others he 
possesses detailed accounts from men of 
credit and information. He has not neglect- 
ed any publication on the subject from which 
1* 



useful matter was to be obtained ; viz. the 
newspapers printed in every part of Ameri- 
ca ; the bulletins of the military command- 
ers ; La Historia de la Revolucion de Mexi- 
co, by El Doctor Don Jose Guerra ; the 
Expose to the Prince Regent of England, by 
Mr. W. Walton ; the articles inserted in El 
Espanoi, by D. J. M. Blanco White; and 
the work De Colonies et de I'Amerique, by 
M. de Pradt. It may, perhaps, be objected 
to the narrative, that it is incomplete in 
omitting the relation of some of those re- 
volting cruelties which stain the history of 
every such contest, and have not been want^ 
ing here. The author believes, however, 
that quite enough of them is detailed to give 
a just idea of the spirit which has been ac=- 
tuating the parties in the war, and that was 
the object.. 

This Work will labour under one disad- 
vantage in seeking the approbation of th^ 



Vll 

reader accustomed to a correct English 
style; Spanish idioms will be found in it, 
and, perhaps, other imperfections springing 
from the same source. These may not affect 
the sense of the Work, but the effect being^ 
unpleasant to correct taste, it would haye^ 
been well had they been avoided. 



PART I 

MATTERS RELATING TO SPANISH AMERICA 
GENERALLY. 



CHAPTER I. 

Territorial Divisions of Spanish America. — Manner in 
which it was governed before the war. — Attempts at re- 
volution in the last century. — Grievances of which the 
Americans complained. 

The continental part of Spanish America, as politically 
divided by the Spanish government, comprehends the 
viceroyalties of New Spain or Mexico, Santa Fe de Bo- 
gota or New Grenada, Peru, Buenos Ayres or the pro- 
vinces of Rio de la Plata, and the captain-generalships 
of Goatemala, Venezuela, and Chili. These territories 
were, before 1810, governed by chiefs named by the 
king of Spain, who acted independently of each other. 
The viceroyalties and captain-generalships were subdi- 
vided into intendencias and provinces, over which presi- 
ded intendentes^ gober?iadores, or corregidores, likewise 
earned by the king, but dependent on the viceroys or 
captains-general The provinces were again divided in- 
to departments, in which resided the delegates of the 
chiefs of the provinces, and the judges called alcaldes, 
named by the municipalities cabildos, there to maintain 
the civil power. The viceroys and captains-general 
united in themselves the civil and military powers ; and 
though generally these united powers were likewise vest- 
ed in, the governorsj. sometimes there were chiefs, named 



mnmandantes, who separately held in the provinces the 
military command. The municipalities had the care of 
provisioning the towns, and of the minor police, whicb 
has for its object the health and comfort of the inhabitants. 

The administration of justice was intrusted to magis- 
trates, called oidores, who, when united, formed the ju- 
dicial courts, named audiencias. Of these the presidents 
were the chiefs residing in the towns in which the audi- 
encia had place, viz. Mexico, Guadalaxara, Goatemala, 
Caraccas, Santa Fe de Bogota, Q,uito, Lima, Cusco, 
Chuquisaca, Chili, and Buenos Ayres. The generality 
of causes were first tried by the governors, corregidores, 
their delegates, or the alcaldes, who acted by the advice 
of a lawyer, asesor, unless they were themselves law-pro- 
fessors ; their sentence had to be confirmed by the audi- 
cwcm, and in case of dissatisfaction the cause was tried a 
second time by that courts Many privileged cases, /os 
easos de corte, were solely tried by the audiencias. 

According to the solemn and special contract entered 
into between the kings of Spain, and the discoverers, con- 
querors, and settlers in Spanish America, these last were 
to remain lords of the country, on the basis of feudal vas- 
salage, under the names of encemenderos. Such, how- 
ever, was the inhuman conduct of the first of these to- 
wards the natives, that Charles the fifth and his successors 
were under the necessity of gradually abolishing many 
©f their privileges ; and the encomiendas fell at length, in 
most of the provinces, to the crown : certain lesser pri- 
vileges were then granted to the settlers, in lieu of those 
originally possessed, with the titles of marquis, count, &c. 

Spanish America was from that time considered as 
a kingdom, independent in itself, yet united to Spain, as 
being both under the government of one king. It was m 
consequence enacted, that from the laws of the Indies, all 
title, name, qy notion of conq^uest should be erased,, and. 



II 

the Indians declared subjects of the king, in all respects 
the same as the Castilians. The incorporation of Spanish 
America to the crown of Castile was decreed by Charles 
the fifth, in Barcelona, the 14th of September, 1519, and 
confirmed by Donna Juana, Philippe the second, and 
Charles the second. And " considering," concludes the 
emperor Charles the fifth, *' the fidelity of our vassals, 
and the fatigues which the discoverers and settlers expe- 
rienced in making their discoveries and settlements, and 
•in order that they may possess with more certainty and 
confidence the right of always remaining united to our 
royal crown, we promise, and pledge our faith and royal 
word, in behalf of ourselves, and the kings our successors, 
for ever and ever, that their cities and settlements on no 
account or reason, or in favour of any person whatever, 
shall be alienated, or separated, wholly or in part; and 
that if we, or any of our successors should make any gift 
or alienation thereof, contrary to our express declaration, 
the same shall be held as null and void." Ley 1. tit. K 
lib. 3. Ley 7. tit. 1. lib. 4. de la Recopilacion de Indias. 

In the opening of the royal decree, published in the 
year 1324, for the nomination of a supreme council for 
the Indies, the term kingdom is expressly used ; and its 
use is accompanied with the admission, that the inhabi- 
tants had a natural right to hold the appointments of pro- 
fit and honour in the country. Baron Humboldt, in his 
Essai Politique on New Spain, chap. 12. lib. 6. observes, 
that the kings of Spain, by taking the title of king of the 
Indies, have considered these distant possessions rather 
as integral parts of the Spanish monarchy, or as provin- 
ces dependent on the crown of Castile, than as colonies, 
in the senses attached to that word, since the sixteenth 
century, by the commercial nations of Europe. 

The energetic remonstrances of Montesino, Cordovay 
Las Casas, and others, to the court of Spain, against the 



12 

-arbitrary measures of the conquerors and settlers, gaV* 
i:ise to the establishment of the council of the Indies. 
This council is empowered by titulo 2^ lib. 2*^ de la 
Kecopilacion de Indias, to make laws, pragmaiicas, or- 
denanzas^ &c. &c. for the Indies, as being invested with 
the supreme authority over them, and was at the same 
time commanded to watch over the execution of the laWs 
enacted to favour the new subjects. These, with many 
regulations scarcely deserving the name of laws, because 
so perfectly frivolous, form the basis of the code named 
Recopilacion de Indias. 

The legislative power of the kingdom of the Indies 
Tested then in the council of the Indies and the king ; and 
the executive power in the viceroys and captains-gene- 
ral. The viceroys were invested besides with royal 
power ; that is to say, they were authorized by a special 
commission to act with plenitude of power in extraordi- 
nary and delicate emergencies. 

The royal pleasure was expressed by cedulas reales, 
he. (principum placita et rescripta,) which, though never 
united into a body of laws, and very frequently revoked, 
formed the first legislative code of Spanish America, 
After this ranked la Recopilacion de Indias, that of Cas- 
tilla, and the common law, or las siete partidas. Titulo 
1. libro 2. de la Recopilacion. Where all these proved 
defective, which was often the case, reference was made 
4o the opinion of law-practitioners. 

The system of finance was founded on the following 
principles : 1st, That the king was proprietor of the 
land, lib. 4. tit. 12. de la Recopilacion, 2dly, The In- 
dians paid a contribution by a poll-tax or capitation, lib. 
6. tit. 12. and lib. 6. tit. 15. ; and by the Mita in Peru, 
every Indian was obliged to work in the mines for eigh- 
teen months, not at one continued period, but at different 
times, making in the whole eighteen months, between the 



13 

ages of eighteen and fifty. 3dly, A tenth part of the pro- 
duce of the cultivated land was paid under the denomi- 
nation of tithes, which were levied for the protection the 
king granted to churches, according to an agreement 
made with different popes ; see titulo de diezmos in the 
Reeopilacion. 4th, The indirect taxes were the custom- 
house duties ; the alcabala, or duty paid on selling almost 
every article of commerce or provisions, and the fifth, 
quinto, of all gold and silver extracted from the mines not 
jjelonging to the king ; see the titulos de la alcabala, en," 
'sayo del oro &c. in the Recopilacion. There were articles, 
the sale of which was confined to the king's officers, as 
tobacco, and salt, and cards ; and the revenue arising 
from the postage of letters went likewise into the king^s 
treasury, and, in many provinces, a duty was paid for 
the right of keeping boats to cross the rivers, for keeping 
game-cocks, and for selling the beverages called pulche^ 
guarapoj &c. see titulo de los Estancos in the Recopila- 
cion; instructions for the Intendentes, &c. The collec- 
tion of these taxes was intrusted to different officers in 
the different departments of the administration, and the 
product of them was deposited in the general treasury ; 
from whence it was sent to Spain, or disposed of other- 
wise, according to the orders of the juntas superiores de 
Hacienda, which were assembled in the capitals, and 
were composed of the Intendente, who was the president, 
the regente of the Audiencia, two contadores majores, the 
fiscal, called de lo civil, the official realy senior in office, 
and one escribano real. 

From the most exact calculations, it is supposed that 
the continental partof Spanish America contains thirteen 
millions of inhabitants ; Indians, Spaniards, Negroes, and 
their descendants, without including the nations oj Indians 
still exiMtiiig independent of the Spanish govein ::ent, on 
the banks of the Meta, the costa of the GuagiroSj on the 
2 



14 

banks of the Oronoco, Rio Negro, Pampas de Buenos' 
Ajres, &c. Part of the population of Spanish America 
is employed in agriculture, especially in Venezuela, 
Goateraala, Guayaqudil, Chili, Carthagena, &;c. ; many 
in the care of cattle, particularly in the provinces of Rio 
de la Plata, and part of Venezuela ; while the inhabit- 
ants of several provinces of Mexico, Peru, and New 
Grenada, are almost wholly employed in working the 
mines. 

The Indians and Negroes have retained in a great 
measure their primitive customs ; the Creoles have re- 
ceived theirs from the Spaniards. The Catholic religion 
being that of Spanish America, the church government 
and ecclesiastical dignities are the same as in the mother 
country ; archbishops, bishops, &c. who were nominated 
by the king, in conformity with the privilege granted lo 
him by Julius the Second, in the year 1508, which is 
caMed real patronato. See tit. 6. lib. 1. de la Recopila- 
cion. The inquisition was also established in the new 
continent. 

Considerable ignorance, even of the most necessary 
arts of life, reigned throughout these immense territories, 
with the exception of the capitals ; and in Mexico, Lima, 
and Santa Fe de Bogota, the studies of medicine and 
some branches of natural history are pursued with much 
success. The Creoles applied themselves with much 
earnestness to theology and law, for in those pursuits 
alone was honour to be obtained. They actually took 
the degree of doctor from the universities, of which there 
were nine in Spanish America. 

All access to the Spanish settlements was not merely 
closed to foreigners, but even tiTe inhabitants of the dif- 
ferent provinces were prohibited from intercourse wiili 
one another ; ley 8. tit. 18. lib. 4. Cedida of 1609 ; ley 
W, and 68« tit, 45. lib, 9. Recopilacion d^ Indias. Com- 



15 

Efierce was exclusively carried on with Spain, and was 
almost entirely in the hands of the Spaniards. Ley 7. 
tit. 87. libro 9. de la Recopilacion^ prohibits the inhabit- 
ants of Spanish America^ under penalty of death, to trade 
with foreigners on any pretext whatever. About the end 
of the last century, there were some few instances of 
special licenses having been obtained from the viceroys 
^nd captains-general to trade with the Antillas, in cases 
of very difficult communication with the mother country. 
In 1797 the court of Madrid was under the necessity of 
allowing some of the ports of Terra Firma to be open- 
ed for the advantage of commerce ; for, in consequence 
of the war, Spain found herself unable to supply her dis- 
tant colonies with those European articles they had long 
been accustomed to, and which had consequently become 
to them necessaries. Urged by similar motives, Cisne- 
ros, the viceroy of the provinces of Rio de la Plata, in 
1809, opened the ports of Buenos Ayres, that a free trade 
might be carried on with the nations in alliance with 
Spain. 

The court of Madrid very long maintained its power 
in the new continent, though supported by but a small 
number of Spanish troops, the Creoles being cordially at- 
tached to the mother country, and the Indians unable to 
free themselves : but about the middle of the last cen- 
tury there was, in Caraccas, a plan of conspiracy formed 
by a Canarian named Leon, who, trusting to the support 
of his partisans, whom he considered numerous, intended 
to destroy the company of Guipuscoa, to which the pri- 
vilege had been granted of exclusively trading with Ve- 
nezuela. His design was however discovered, he was 
condemned to death, bis house razed to the ground, and 
a column placed on the spot to perpetuate horror of his 
plan. 

An act of injustice, to which Dojd J. Gr. Tupac-Amaru 



16 

fead been exposed by the Audiencia of Lima, and the iift- 
sults he had received from a corregidor, added to a feel- 
ing of the abject state to which the Indian nations were 
reduced by the oppressions of the Repartiniientos, and by 
the new taxes imposed upon them, gave rise to the insur- 
rection which took place in Peru in 1780. By the sys- 
tem of the Repartimientos, the Indians were obliged to 
receive their necessary supplies of goods, hardware, and 
mules from the corregidores at the prices they fixed, and 
©n the credit they thought proper to give. 

The exertions of several individuals who came forward 
in the general cause, at the instigation of Tupac Amaru, 
soon spread a spirit of resistance for three hundred leagues 
through the interior of the country, where the most bloody 
scenes soon were exhibited. It was at first little more 
than a slight revolt of the native Indians against the op- 
pression of the corregidores and other agents of govern- 
ment. The contest lasted three years with varied success, 
and Tupac- Amaru had been hailed Ynca of Peru. The 
conduct of Tupac-Amaru, however, did not conciliate the 
minds of the people, and the efiforts of the Indians became 
feeble, partly on account of the difficulty they found in 
being supplied with arms and ammunition. The combined 
attacks of the troops of Buenos Ayres and Lima, then gave 
confidence to the Spaniards, in whose favour the greatest 
part of the people declared, notwithstanding their earnest 
desire for a change in the administration. Tupac-Amaru, 
and many of the principal leaders of the faction, were 
put to death in a shocking manner. 

In 1781, in consequence of some reforms, and ad- 
ditional taxes imposed in New Grenada, by the Regente 
Pineres, the province of Socorro, one of the most popu- 
lous of that viceroyalty, openly declared against the late 
changes ; and having assembled near seventeen thousand 
men, they marched against Santa Fe de Bogota, crying, 



17 

'« Long live the king, but death to our bad governors.*'^ 
The capital was in a defenceless state, and they proceed- 
ed in triumph till they reached the plain called Mortino, 
about twelve leagues from Santa Fe, where they met the 
archbishop Gongora, dressed in his pontifical robes, hold- 
ing the host in his hands. At such an unexpected meet- 
ing the Socorrenos halted, impressed with awe and aston- 
ishment ; and the archbishop, availing himself of this hap- 
py moment, proposed to their leader, Don Salvador Plata, 
to hold a conference. The result was, that they came to 
terms of accommodation, and the assembled multitude dis- 
persed. The Socorrenos afterwards complained that the 
articles of capitulation were never complied with. 

Some few Creoles and Spaniards, well acquainted with 
the principles laid down by the French politicians in the 
early period of the French Revolution, and even with 
those of the writers who had immediately preceded that 
period^ formed a plan for revolution in Caraccas in 1797. 
They treated with contempt the Spanish government, 
their navy having received many severe blows ; and 
above all trusting to the protection of the English, in con- 
sequence of Mr. Pitt's well-known plan of giving inde- 
pendence to Terra Firma. The conspiracy was disco- 
vered when on the eve of breaking out, and the ostensible 
leaders, Don M. Gual and Don J. M. Espana, made their 
escape to the neighbouring island. Don Espana return- 
ed two years after to La Guayra, but being discovered, 
he was hanged. The following is Sir Thomas Picton's 
proclamation, which was circulated through the contigu- 
ous islands at that time : — ^^ By virtue of an official pa- 
per, which I, the governor of this island of Trinidad, have 
received from the right honourable Henry Dundas-, minis- 
ter, of his Britannic Majesty for foreign affairs, dated, 7tb 
April, 1797, which I here publish in obedience to orders, 



18 

and for the use which your Excellencies may draw from' 
its publication, in order that you may communicate its 
tenor, which is literally as follows :— ' The object which 
at present I desire most particularly to recommend to 
your attention, is the means which might be best adapted 
to liberate the people of the continent near to the island 
of Trinidad, from the oppressive and tyrannic system 
which supports, with so much rigour, the monopoly of 
commerce, under the title of exclusive registers, which 
their government licenses demand ; also to draw the 
greatest advantages possible, and which the local situa- 
tion of the island presents, by opening a direct and free 
communication with the other parts of the world, without 
prejudice to the commerce of the British nation. In or- 
der to fulfil this intention with greater facility, it will be 
prudent for your Excellency to animate the inhabitants of 
Trinidad in keeping up the communication which they 
had with those of Terra Firma, previous to the reduction 
of that island ; under the assurance, that they will find 
there an entrepot, or general magazine of every sort of 
goods whatever. To this end, his Britannic Majesty has 
determined in council to grant freedom to the ports of 
Trinidad, with a direct trade to Great Britain.' 

'' With regard to the hopes you entertain of raising the 
spirits of those persons, with whom you are in correspond- 
ence, towards encouraging the inhabitants to resist th& 
oppressive authority of their government , I have little mor^ 
to say, than that they may be certain that, whenever they 
are in that disposition^, they may receive at your hands all 
the succours to be expectedfrom his Britannic Majesty, be it 
with forces, or with arms and ammunition to any extent ; 
with the assurance, that the views of his Britannic Majesty 
go no further than to secure to them their independence^ 
mhout pretending to any sovereignty over their country, nof 



19 

even to inierfere in the privileges of the people^ nor in their 
political, civil, or religious rights.''' 

''setjtiefnW.' \ THOMAS PICTON, &c. &c. 

To assist the revolutionary party in Spanish Americaj 
the English cabinet paid the expedition of Miranda to 
Venezuela in 1806, and sent that of Whitelocke to Bue^ 
nos Ayres in 1807, both of which however failed. 

The different attacks made by the English and French 
on the coasts of Spanish America obliged the Spaniards 
to form a plan for raising an additional military force to 
assist the army already' stationed in the ports, in case of 
any renewed attack. The civil commotions above allu- 
ded to gave rise likevyise to a desirable military system, 
for placing the capitals in a situation which might enable 
the chiefs both to give and receive support in case of any 
insurrection. But although the troops were chiefly con- 
centrated in the capitals, some were still kept in the pro- 
vinces to enforce allegiance in case of necessity. 

When we observe the attachment of the Spaniards to 
their country, the respect the Creoles entertained for 
Spain, the feeble minds of the Indians, and the state of po- 
litical insignificance in which the other races were kept, it 
is not wonderful that for three centuries they should have 
submitted to be governed by laws established in a coun- 
try more than two thousand leagues distant, without 
making any effort for independence. Aad when some 
enterprising characters endeavoured to excite revolt, the 
difficulties which attended their undertaking, and the fa- 
cility with which the Spanish government stifled their 
plans for independence, may easily be accounted for, by 
the vigilance of the chiefs, as well as of the inquisition, 
and the apathy of the Creoles, the natural consequence 
€>{ their education, 

I do not pretend, however, to assert that the inhabit- 



20 

ants of Spanish America were satisfied with the court of 
Madrid ; on the contrary, I affirm that they were highly 
discontented. The following were grievances of which 
they complained; 1st, The arbitrary power exercised 
by ihe viceroys and captains-general, who very often 
eluded the laws, and even the orders they received from 
the king ; see ley 173. til. 15. lib. 2. de la Recopilacion, 
in which it "complains that the officers sent by the king to 
Spanish America, were frequently impeached and deposed^ 
which was never the case with those nominated by the vice-- 
roys. 2d, That the audiencias were composed of Eu- 
ropeans, who in trials were sole judges, and who had the 
power of interpreting the laws in their very application. 
3d, That it was under the authority of the audiencias 
that clandestine decisions were often made, nocturnal ar- 
rests, banishment without previous trial, and numerous 
other hardships. 4th, That they were treated with dis- 
triist by the government, notwithstanding the loyalty 
which they manifested in the war for succession to the 
crown of Spain, in their resistance to the suggestions of 
the French and English to induce them to revolt, and, 
above all, in the loyal behaviour and uncommon courage 
which they displayed when Carthagena and Buenos 
Ayres were attacked by the English. 5th, That they 
were obliged to bear insults from the meanest of the 
Spaniards, who, merely because of their European birth, 
considered themselves superior, and, as it were, mas- 
ters of the Spanish Americans. Among many other ex- 
amples of this, the report may be quoted, which was 
made to the king by his fiscal, on the petition of the city 
of Merida de Maracaybo, in Venezuela, to found a uni- 
versity ;• the opinion of the fiscal was, that " the petition 
was to be refused," " because it was unsuitable to pro- 
mote learning in Spanish America, where the inhabitants 
appeared destined by nature to work in the mines,^* After 



21 

a pretended solemn deliberation of the consulado or -board 
of trade in Mexico, the me-nbers informed the cortes, that 
*' the Indians 'syere a race of monkeys, filled with vice and 
ignorance^ automatmis^ unworthy of representing or being 
represented.^"" 6th, That, notwithstanding the original 
compact made between the king, and the first settlers in 
Spanish America, ley 13. titulo 2. libro 3. de la Recopi- 
lacion, which stipulated, " that in all cases of government^ 
justice, administration of finances, commissions, &c. the 
first discoverers, then the pacificadors\ and, lastly, the 
settlers, and those born in the said provinces, were to be 
preferred in all appointments and public employments ;'* 
the Creoles w^ere gradually shut out from all participation 
in local commands and dignities : for, from the period of 
the first settlements, until the year 1810, out of one hun- 
dred and sixty-six vir.eroys, and five hundred and eighty- 
eight captains-general, governors, and presidents appoint- 
ed in Spanish America, only eighteen have been Creoles, 
and these few only in consequence of their having been 
educated in Spain ; when, at the same time, the Creoles 
were prohibited from visiting the mother country, with- 
out an express permission from the king, which could 
only be obtained with much difficulty. 7th, That the 
prosperity of Spanish America was viewed with such a 
jealous eye by the Spanish government, that no manufac- 
tories were permitted, though Spain could not furnish 
merchandise sufficient for the consumption of her settle- 
ments ; and that even the plantations of the colonial pro- 
duce were restricted. As an example of such restriction, 
although Spain paid considerable sums annually to Por- 
tugal, for tobacco supplied from the Brazils, yet only a 
certain number of tobacco plants was allowed to be cul- 
tivated in South America, and that number was fixed by 
the king's officers ; and were a single plant found more 
than the number allowed to each cultivator, the whole. 



22 

plantation was in danger of being rooted up. Anothefr 
example of this kind was, the prohibition of extracting 
oils, or of making wine or brandy, or of planting vines or 
almQhd trees in any province of Spanish America, ex- 
cepting Peru or Chili ; and that exception was in conse- 
quence of the length of the voyage from Spain for articles 
of so heavy a nature ; and even the wine, almonds, kc. 
produced in Chili and Peru, were not permitted to be 
sent to Mexico, New Grenada, or Terra Firma ; titulo 18. 
libro 14. de la Recopilacion : and to counterbalance these 
privileges enjoyed in Chili and Peru, to cultivate tobacco 
or the sugar-cane was forbidden in Chili. 8th, And in 
order to check the progress of population, and to keep 
distinct the different classes, there were many laws tend- 
ing to put obstacles to marriage. Vide cedulas sobre el 
disenso, y varius leyes del Recopilacion sohre. Ins matrimo- 
nios. 

Notwithstanding these complaints, Spanish America 
might have existed in its dependent state many genera- 
tions, I might say centuries. The court of Madrid knew 
perfectly well how to answer the petitions of its Ameri- 
can subjects without redressing their grievances ; how to 
keep them distant from public affairs ; how to grant or to 
refuse their demands, without impairing the general sys- 
tem of exclusion with regard to them adopted by Spain. 
But Napoleon Bonaparte, who was, in fact, already mas- 
ter of the peninsula, and possessor of the wealth of Ame- 
rica, by the influence he had in the court of Madrid, hav- 
ing invaded the kingdom, and seized the royal family of 
Spain, loosened those bonds which united the new to the 
old world, and gave rise to a revolution which, from the 
wide extent of the country in which it is seated, its cha- 
racter, and consequences, i§ unparalleled in the, annals of 
feistory^. 



^2^ 



CHAPTER II. 



The confusion in the state of Spain produced by Bonaparte'' s 
•seizure of the King, and invasion^ leaves the Spanish 
Americans at a loss how to act. — Their loyal behaviour.*^-" 
The first attempts to establish juntas in America. 

IN the deserted state in which Spain eonsideted her- 
self in consequence of the supposed arrangements made 
at Bayonne in lb08, those provinces which were still un- 
occupied by the French, established for themselves as- 
semblies under the denomination oi juntas, each assuming 
in its respective district the supreme authority. That of 
Seville, taking the appellation oi junta suprema guberna- 
tiva de Espana e Indias, sent deputies into every part of 
America, who, the better to succeed in their mission, 
falsely represented that the junta of Seville was acknow- 
ledged and obeyed throughout Spain, and required in 
America a similar acknowledgment of its authority. At 
the same time the regency established by king Ferdinand 
at Madrid, before his departure to meet Napoleon Bona- 
parte, endeavoured likewise to obtain the acknowledgment 
of its own superior power in America. Even the junta of 
Asturias asserted superiority, and required the acknow- 
ledgment of this superiority, denying that of the junta of 
Seville. 

The moment for freedom seemed at length to present it- 
self to America, wearied and exhausted by three centuries 
ot continued suffering. Spain invaded by a colossal pow- 
er — its fortresses in the hands of its enemies — all unity 
in the government broken— what a favourable era for the 
emancipation of the new world ! But the Americans were 
so sincerely attached to the mother country — the news 
/rora the old continent was given to them with such false 



24 

colouring— the struggle of the Spanish nation appeared s© 
dignified, the situation of the royal family so lamentable 
and interesting, that, paralyzed by the surprise, and moved 
by compassion, they lost the happy moment for action. 
Had Spanish America at that period separated herself 
from the mother country, from whence would Spain have 
derived power to support such a long-continued war, 
which has in part contributed to the overthrow of Napo- 
leon Bonaparte ? 

The behaviour of the Spanish governors of America, 
under these circumstances, forms a powerful contrast with 
that of the Amej ican subjects. With the exception of the 
viceroy of Mexico, all seemed willing to acknowledge 
that allegiance which was to be transferred to Bonaparte, 
according to the order contained in the decree signed by 
the council of the Indies. This commanded the acknow- 
ledgment of the cessions made at Bayonne, &c. and con- 
firmed the Spanish chiefs in their, employments. The 
American subjects alone opposed the change ; they pub- 
licly burned the proclamations sent out by Bonaparte, 
and expelled his agents. The following letter accurately 
describes the feelings of the Americans in Venezuela on 
this occasion, and the manner in which those feelings were 
expressed. 

" From Captain Beaver to Sir Alexander Cochran^ : 

" La Guayra, July 19, 1808. 

<' Sir — Events of singular importance occurring at 
present in the province of Venezuela, I have thought it 
necessary to despatch to you, without loss of time, the 
late French corvette Le Serpent, in order that you might, 
as early as possible, be made acquainted with those events 
which have already occurred, as well as be able to form 
some opinion of those which will probably follow. 

*' The port of La Guayra 1 made in the morning of the 



25 

iSth, and while standing in for the shore, with the cartel 
Jag flying, I observed a brig under French colours just 
coming to an anchor. She had arrived the preceding 
night from Cayenne, with despatches from Bayonne, and 
bad anchored about two miles from the town, to which 
she was now removing. I was never nearer than five 
miles to her, and could not have thrown a shot over her 
before she was close under the Spanish batteries, and 
therefore I attempted not to chase. 

*' Just before I set out for Caraccas, the captain of the 
French brig returned exceedingly displeased, I was told, 
having been publicly insulted in that city. 

" About three o'clock I arrived at Caraccas, and pre- 
sented your despatches to the captain-general, who re- 
ceived me very coldly, or rather uncivilly, observing, that 
that hour was very mconvenient to him and to me ; and 
that, as I had not dined, I had better go and get some dm- 
ner, and return to him in a couple of hours. 

" On entering the city, I observed a great effervescence 
among the people, like something which either precedes 
or follows a popular commotion ; and as 1 entered the 
large inn of the city, 1 was surrounded by inhabitants of 
almost all classes. 

*' I here learned that the French captain who had ar- 
rived yesterday had brought intelligence of every thing 
which had taken place in Spain in favour of France ; that 
he had announced the accession in the Spanish throne of 
Joseph Bonaparte, and had brought orders to the govern- 
ment from the French emperor. 

" The city was immediately in arms ; 10,000 of its in- 
habitants surrounded the residence of the captain-general, 
and demanded the proclamation of Ferdinand the Seventh 
as their king ; which he promised the lext day. But this 
would not satisfy them : they proclaimed him that even- 
ing by heralds, in form, throughout the city, and plgiced 
3 



26 

fais portrait, illuminated, in the gallery of the town= 
house. 

*' The French were first publicly insulted in the coffee- 
house, from whence they were obliged to withdraw ; and 
the French captain left Caraccas priv^ately, about eight 
o'clock that night, escorted by a detachment of soldiers, 
and so saved his life ; for, about ten o'clock his person was 
demanded of the governor by the populace, and when 
they learned that he was gone, three hundred men fol* 
lowed him, to put him to death. 

*' Though coldly received by the governor, I was sur- 
rounded by all the respectable inhabitants of the city, and 
hailed as their deliverer. The news which I gave them 
from Cadiz was devoured with avidity, and produced en- 
thusiastic shouts of gratitude to England. 

** Returning to the governor about five o'clock, the first 
thing [ demanded was the delivering to me the French 
corvette, or at least the permitting me to take possession 
of her in the roads, in consequence of the circumstances 
under which she had entered. Both these he positively 
refused, as well as to take possession of her himself; but, 
on the contrary, he told me he had given orders for her 
immediate sailing. I made him acquainted with the or- 
ders I had given for her seizure if she sailed, to which he 
assented ; and I at the same time told him, that if she were 
not in the possession of the Spaniards at my return, I 
should take her myself. He replied, that he should send 
orders to the commandant ot La Guayra to fire upon me 
if I did; to which I replied, that the consequence would 
fall upon him ; and I further told him, that I considered 
his reception of me at Caraccas as that of an enemy rather 
than of a friend, while at the same time I had brought him 
information of hostilities having ceased between Great 
Britain and Spain ; and that his conduct towards the 
French was that of a friend, while he knew that Spain was 



27 

at war with France. He replied, that Spain was not at 
war with France ; to which I again replied, what could 
he consider as war, if the captivity of two of her kings, 
and taking possession of Madrid, was not to be so consider- 
ed ? He only replied, that he knew nothing of it from the 
Spanish government, and that what your despatches in- 
formed him of he did not consider official.'* 

Some months after this wonderful attachment evinced for 
the mother country, a considerable number of the most 
respectable families of Caraccas presented a petition to 
the captain-general Casus for permission to elect a junta 
similar to those in Spain. This was in consequence of the 
interior commotions in the peninsula ; and though the 
fundamental principles on which the petition was found- 
ed were taken from the laws, the petitioners were arrest- 
ed. Among the subscribers to the petition were the Mar- 
quis del Toro, the Marquis de Casa-Leon, the Count del 
Tobar, the Count San-Xavier, and many others : though 
arrested, they were released after a confinement oia 
very few days, 

A French brig, bearing an envoy from Napoleon Bona- 
parte, reached the shores of Buenos Ayres, towards the 
end of July, 1808, and by him the viceroy Liniers was 
informed of the events which had taken place in the pe- 
ninsula. Liniers assembled the cabildo and the audiencia 
to consult on the plan of conduct most adviseable for him 
to adopt in such extraordinary circumstances ; and it was 
agreed that the viceroy should publicly make known what 
was passing in the mother country. Liniers therefore ad- 
dressed a proclamation to the people of Buenos Ayres, 
intimating his intentions ; and this proclamation is an in- 
stance of the impositions the governors of Spanish Ame- 
rica were accustomed to use, to mislead the inhabitants. 
In this curious document he mentioned, but obscurely,, 
the changes which had taken place in Spain ; and re.- 



28 

minded the people of Buenos Ayres of the indifference 
they had shown in the war for succession to the crown of 
Spain ; he concluded by assuring them of the high esteem 
the emperor Napoleon entertained for them in conse- 
quence of their triumphs over the English, and exhorted 
them, in the name of Bonaparte, to remain quiet. Don 
Xavier Elio, then governor of Montevideo, having a per- 
sonal enmity to Liniers, availed himself of these transac- 
tions to accuse him of disloyalty, and by this means se- 
parated the country under his command from its allegiance 
to him, by forming a junta in imitation of those of Spain. 
Don J. Goyeneche arrived at this epocba at Montevideo, 
with despatches from the junta of Seville, and, having 
highly approved the conduct of Elio in forming a junta, 
said, that " his mission had no other object than to pro- 
mote the establishing similar assemblies to secure the tran- 
quillity of the country." Goyeneche used very differ- 
ent language at Buenos Ayres and Lima ; and his conduct, 
??k^n he conquered the troops which supported the junta 
of La Paz, proves evidently his principles in that respect. 
The news of the general insurrection in Spain reach- 
ed Mexico on the 29th of July, 1808. The enthusiasm 
which it had produced was still in full force, when the 
arrival of two deputies from the junta of SeviHe was an- 
nounced, who were come to claim the sovereign command 
of Spanish America for that corporation. Such was the 
general disposition in favour of the peninsula, that it ap- 
pears probable that the Mexicans would have acceded 
to the demands of the junta, if, during the debates in a 
meeting of the civil and military officers which the vice- 
roy had convened, despatches had not arrived announcing 
the establishment of the junta of Asturias, and expressly 
warning the Mexicans against acknowledging the Anda- 
lusian junta. It may easily be conceived how this de- 
clared rivalship must have affected the opinions which the 



29 ^"^ 

Mexicans had formed of the spirit of the Spanish revolu- 
tion. 

The following is an extract of the remonstrance pre- 
sented by the municipality of Mexico, on the 5th of Au- 
gust, 1808, to viceroy Iturrigaray, for the assembling of a 
junta of the tribunals and constituted authorities in the 
capital : 

" Juntas of the government, and respectable bodies of 
the cities and kingcfoms, are no more than in exact con- 
formity to the law, which ordains that all arduous cases 
sh^ll be considered of in general assemblies. As in ex- 
isting circumstances, in consequence of the seizure of the 
king, the sovereignty is vested in the nation in order that 
its interests may be consulted, the united authorities, to- 
gether with the municipalities, which are the heads of the 
people, do exactly the same as would the monarch him- 
self for the general welfare. 

'* Mexico has in view the same principles that influen- 
ced Seville, Valencia, and the other cities of Spain ; and 
she is empowered, in like manner as the above two faith- 
ful capitals, to do what she conceives is adviseable in such 
urgent circumstances. 

''' These examples point out what ought to be done— 
to organize a governing junta, composed of the royal au- 
diencia, the archbishop, municipality, and deputies from 
the tribunals, ecclesiastical and secular bodies, the nobi- 
lity, and principal citizens, as well as the military. 
This junta shall deliberate on the most weighty subjects 
that concern us, which* shall be determined conformably 
to our interests. 

" The junta is necessary, for, although we are at pre- 
sent free from the urgent danger which threatened us on 
the side of France, we, nevertheless, ought not to neglect 
our means of defence, till we receive such positive ad- 
vices as may place us perfectly at ease. It is, at th^ 
3* 



30 

game time, necessary to satisfy the wishes of the people, 
by restoring to them those means they formerly had of 
appeal to the council of the Indies, or to the person of 
the king ; and, finally, many amendments ought to be 
made in the nomination to secular and ecclesiastical dig- 
nities. These are the only means, in consequence of the 
absence of the monarch, by which the kingdom, being 
thus united, may overcome all its difl&culties. 

*' This union of authorities is likewise necessary, as 
being the best means to produce unanimity in the minds 
of the people ; which will prevent the fatal consequences 
which must arise throughout the country from disunion. 
Every one will then be happy ; their patriotism and 
wishes will be united by love, enthusiasm, and a sense of 
the public good. 

" The city, consequently, thinks that the time is ar- 
rived for adopting the same means as have been carried 
into effect in Spain. The junta which your excellency 
is to form, for the present, of the authorities and respect- 
able bodies above mentioned, when the representatives of 
the kingdom are assembled, will carefully examine its 
interests, kc. 

** But the two fundamental points on which the junta 
is to act, ought not to be forgotten. The first is, that the 
authorities retain the full extent of their power, in the 
same manner as if the derangement which we deplore in 
the monarchy had not taken place — that is, that your 
excellency shall still hold the same power which the laws 
grant, and that the same be observed with respect to the 
other tribunals. The second is, that in order to fill up 
the immense void which exists between the authority of 
your excellency and the sovereign, the proposed junta is 
to be had recourse to.'* 

The viceroy appeared inclined to the measure propo- 
sed, and the old Spaniards were in consequeftce detet- 



31 

mined to depose him. He was old, and wanted vigour ;' 
he had besides no fixed plan of acting ; he was afraid of 
exciting suspicions against his loyalty, and even proposed 
to resign his authority. This weakness was soon per- 
ceived by the Spaniards, and a conspiracy was formed 
against him. A merchant, a personal enemy to the 
viceroy, was placed at the head of the conspirators. The 
officers commanding the guard on the appointed day were 
bribed ; and the merchant, followed by about four hun- 
dred Spaniards taken from the shops in Mexico, entered 
the viceroy's palace at midnight ; they met with no re- 
sistance ; they seized him and his lady, committed the 
latter to a nunnery, and the former to a prison of the in- 
quisition. 

The audiencia had secretly supported this measure, 
and the imprisonment of the viceroy was announced to 
the public, with the circumstance of the audiencia having 
assumed the right to nominate a new viceroy. 

In order to concentrate their power, the Spanish pro- 
vincial juntas had agreed to send deputies to form a gene- 
ral government, which should take the command of the 
nation ; and when the news of the Mexican transactions 
reached the peninsula, this junta central, which was com- 
posed of the deputies already alluded to, was sitting al 
Seville. The joy of the junta central was unbounded, 
when intelligence arrived that the viceroy of Mexico was 
a prisoner in Spain, accused of treachery. It never oc- 
curred to them to examine the grounds of accusation ; 
nor did, ihey once stop to reflect how greatly the ties of 
subordination must be relaxed, when a handful of persons^ 
under no legitimate authority, could force the seat of go- 
vernment, and seize the chief magistrate with impunity. 

The law of Spain required the establishment of a re- 
gency instead of this junta central ; but its sway was ac- 
knowledged, and so efficaciously supported by the Spa- 



32 

nlsh Americans, that more than ninety millions of dollars 
had been sent to Spain from her American settlements; 
previous to the beginning of 1810. Nevertheless, La 
Paz, which was the capital of one of the districts under 
the dominion of the audiencia of Charcas, considering 
Spain too feeble to free herself from the power of the 
French, wished to provide for its own security ; and in 
the beginning of the year 1809 formed a government for 
itself, composed of many respectable persons, which was 
styled junta intuitiva. The magistrates of Chuquisaca, 
capital of the audiencia of Charcas, did not oppose this 
motion ; but the viceroy of Buenos Ay res sent an army 
for this purposie. At the same time general Goyeneche 
marched, by order of the viceroy at Peru, with a nume- 
rous body of troops against La Paz ; and its army, com- 
manded by the generals Lanza, Castro, and Yranburn, 
was beaten in the Alto de la Paz, and afterwards in that 
part of the country called Yrupana, about forty leagues 
distant from the city. The conqueror, Goyeneche, im- 
mediately proceeded to punish the patriots, numbers of 
whom were executed in the most shocking and ignominr- 
ous manner. Quito, one of the provinces of Santa Fe de 
Bogota, and capital of the audience which bears its name, 
influenced by similar motives as La Paz, established like- 
wise a separate government on the 10th of August, 1809, 
naming the Marquis Selva Allegre, president. Though 
the will of the people seemed generally understood, this 
occurrence induced the viceroy of New Grenada, Don A, 
Amar, to convoke a junta of the principal persons of San^ 
la Fe de Bogota, on the pretence of asking their advice. 
The junta assembled in the viceroy's palace on the 7th 
of September, 1809 ; and the general voice was in favour 
©f the junta ©f Quito ; they declared, besides, that a simi- 
lar corporation should be formed in Santa Fe, which, 
^hile willing to recognise the junta ceatral^ and to act m 



33 

concert with the viceroy, would prevent disturbances m 
the viceroyalty, should the peninsula be finally conquer- 
ed by the French. The viceroy, w^ho in reality only de- 
sired to ascertain who were disaffected to the present ad- 
ministration, dissolved the junta, appointing it to meet on 
the eleventh of the same month ; and, being deaf, be requi- 
red that every member of the junta should bring his vote 
in scriptis. The day appointed arrived, and the people 
of Santa Fe were much surprised to see the military pre- 
parations of the viceroy ; the guards of the palace were 
doubled, and the barracks were in as great confusion as 
if the enemy were at their very doors. The junta met, 
and, notwithstanding this military pomp, every one pre- 
sented his own vote, and the written votes added strength 
to the opinions expressed by the members in the first jun- 
ta. Many of the speeches in these assemblies were re- 
markable for the energy and freedom with which they 
were expressed. The names of Camilo de Torres, Fruto 
Gutierrez, father Padilla, J. Gregorio Gutierrez Moreno, 
and others, were from this period celebrated for their pa- 
triotism. The viceroy of Santa Fd de Bogota hastened, 
however, to destroy the junta of Quito by force of arms ; 
and ^bascal, the viceroy of Peru, did the same. The de- 
fenders of the junta, after some skirmishes, yielded to su- 
periority of force, and the government was dissolved ; but 
they previously received a promise from the Spanish 
president of Qiiito, conde Ruiz de Castilla, that the re- 
membrance of past events should be totally obliterated. 
Regardless, however, of this promise, a great number of 
the patriots were arrested, and on the 2d of August in the 
following year, under pretence of an alarm given by the 
soldiers, they were massacred in the prison ; and the 
troops of Lima, which were stationed in the city to pre- 
serve order, were allowed to pillage at pleasure. The 
number of persons literally murdered in cold blood that 



34 

day amouftted to more than three hundred. In 1810, the 
junta of Caraccas commemorated the fate of these victims 
with funeral honours equally magnificent and solemn. 

The news of these events soon reached the junta cett- 
tral ; they had been preceded by advices of the ferment 
which was rapidly spreading through all the Spanish set- 
tlements. The declarations which the Americans bad 
made of attachment to the mother country were sincere, 
but the hopes of reform in their government, so often 
promised, had never been realized. They began, in con- 
sequence, to grow weary of their dependence, and their 
attachment to Spain grew fainter every day. What will 
become of us, should Spain be conquered ? was the uni- 
versal question. The discussion of that subject led to 
others of deeper importance ; and the junta central, de- 
sirous of lulling them into a state of apathy, issued a 
pompous declaration, in which " the colonies were de- 
clared equal to the mother country." No reform was in 
fact made in the government, notwithstanding the declara- 
tion of the junta, whose members still continued receiving, 
supplies of money from Spanish America, and sending 
Spaniards to occupy every public employment. Such 
was the attention paid to the interests of the new conti- 
nent ! 



35 



CHAPTER III. 

The dispenion of the central junta in Spain, and an ille' 
gal election of a regency, determine many of the Ameri- 
can provinces to govern themselves. — The formation of 
distinct governments in America. 

TEN months had elapsed since the Americans had re- 
ceived intelligence of the victories of Baylen, Valencia, 
Saragosa, &c. ; and that the invader of their mother coun- 
try had been forced to collect his scattered forces beyond 
the Ebro. They w^ere daily expecting to hear that Spain 
had regained her freedom by the valour of her arms, and 
that Ferdinand the Seventh was restored, when news ar- 
.rived that Bonaparte was master of Madrid ; that the junta 
central had been driven to Andalusia ; that general San 
Juan was murdered by his troops on a suspicion of disaf- 
fection ; that many generals had acted a most treacherous 
part, among whom was Morla ; and that there scarcely 
remained one in whom the people could venture to re- 
pose the slightest confidence. The disappointment of the 
South Americans could only be equalled by their former 
expectations, yet supplies were sent regularly to the pe- 
ninsula, and subscriptions were raised by every class of 
the people. Their opinion of the decision and courage 
of the Spanish people remained unshaken, and their mis- 
fortunes were attributed to treason. If, during this time, 
there were any disturbances or plans for reform in Ame- 
rica, they are to be attributed to the misconduct of the 
Spanish chiefs, their illiberal views, and their mysterious 
proceedings, but not to any motives of radical disaffection 
to the mother country. 

The intelligence of the Austrian war inspired them. 



36 

liowever, with the greatest hopes, and the victory of Ta- 
iavera was every where celebrated with enthusiasm. This 
joy did not last long. The news which followed was of 
a gloomy nature. The juntas of Seville and Valencia had 
protested against the central government. General de la 
Romana had published a manifesto, in which the power 
of the supreme government was declared illegal ; and, to 
complete their misfortunes, the Spanish armies had been 
repeatedly beaten. 

Some time after, the French routed the whole Spanish 
army at Ocana, and there appeared nothing to impede 
their progress to Andalusia. The supposed fortified pas- 
sages of Sierra Morena were found to be a mere decep- 
tion ; and the French entered Seville without the loss of 
a single man. The members of the junta central, having 
incurred the hatred of the people, dispersed ; and the 
popular fury, pursued and insulted them in their flight. 
Some of the members, though proclaimed as traitors, as- 
sembled in the isle of Leon, and, still trembling from ap- 
prehension of that death with which they were threaten- 
ed, vested their power in a regency, consisting of five 
persons, whose authority could only extend to Cadiz and 
Galicia, the only parts of the kingdom of the peninsula 
which remained under the dominion of the Spaniards. 

The members of the regency, conscious of the illegality 
of their election, and of their small power, did not dare 
to make known even their existence to the Spanish Ame- 
ricans till their appointment had been supported by a 
manifesto of the merchants of Cadiz, where they soon af- 
ter fixed their residence. The regency then addressed 
the Americans in a proclamation, which is one of the 
most interesting documents in the history of the revolu- 
tion of Spanish America ; for it frankly owns the despotism 
with which every Spanish ruler bad until (his period borne 
his sway over the Americans. The following remarkable 



37 

a(^dress was in the proclamation : " Americans, ye have 
been long weighed down by a yoke more oppressive to 
bear, because ye were distant from the centre of power. 
We now place your future destiny in your own hands.-— 
Ye have hitherto been the football, as it were, of the 
viceroys, always subject to their ambition and caprice, 
while at the same time ye were a prey to their cupidity. 
From this time your fate shall not depend on them." 

Intelligence of the dispersion of the junta central reach- 
ed Caraccas in the year 1810, and was immediately fol- 
lowed by the proclamation of the regency. In this criti- 
eal situation, the inhabitants of Caraccas, convinced that 
there were no remaining hopes of any terms of accommo- 
<Iation with the captain-general Emparan, who required a 
blind submission to every species of government emana- 
ting from Spain — imagining that the peninsula would final- 
ly be possessed by the French — aware that the intention 
^f the Spanish chiefs, both in Spain and in Spanish Ame- 
rica, was, that America should share the fate of Spain*— 
considering the regency as an illegal government, merely 
formed by a few members of the junta central, whose pow- 
er had been denied, they resolved to try to obtain by force 
what reasonable representation had failed to obtain for them. 
The greatest ardout for success was evinced. Stimulated by 
patriotic zeal, spurred on by the despotism of the Spanish 
chiefs, encouraged by the voice of the inhabitants, the 
Spanish governors were deposed, and the municipal body, 
in conjunction with many persons named by the voice of 
the people, assumed the reins of government, and the ap- 
pellation oijimta suprema. The acts of the junta were 
published in the name of king Ferdinand the Seventh. Itt 

* The regency of Cadiz, in an address to the Spanish Ameri» 
cans, used these words : " it is not sufficient for you to be Spa» 
niards, unless, whatever be the event of fortune, you also belong 
to Spain.'' 

4 



38 

many proclamations, though without acknowledging the 
superiority of the regency, all possible aid was offered for 
the continuance of the war against the French. 

The establishment of the junta of Buenos Ayres was 
€ffected with more tranquillity than that of Caraccas. 
The viceroy Cisneros, having informed the inhabitants of 
the tragical events of the peninsula, made known at the 
same time the uncertainty he felt respecting the main- 
tenance of his own authority ; and the cabiido, availing 
itself of this declaration, presented a petition to him, re- 
questing that he would assemble a congress, which might 
decide what steps it was desirable to take in such a junc- 
ture. The viceroy granted the petition of the cabiido, 
and the congress assembled the 22d of May. It was there 
decided that a junta should be formed, which was done 
on the 25th of the same month. 

A European, keeping a shop in Santa Fe de Bogota, in- 
sulted a private individual who was passing by, including 
all his countrymen in his insults, and using the most op- 
probrious language. The quarrel raised a mob of Creoles 
and Spaniards, which was followed by a contest between 
Ihem ; and the Creoles being triumphant ; this gave rise 
to the assembling a junta on the 20th of July. Intelli- 
gence of the dispersion of the jiinta central, and of a junta 
having been formed at Caraccas, had been previously re- 
ceived. 

The arbitrary measures of the captain-general Carrag- 
I CO, irritated so much the people of Chili, that he was 
obliged to resign his office. A junta was also formed 
there on the 18th of September. 

The arrest of the viceroy Iturrigaray, in Mexico, on 
the 15th of September, 1808,' by a party of Europeans, 
excited a strong rivalship between them and the South 
Americans. The death of several of the latter, and the 
arrests of otjiers, accused of disaffection to the court, in- 



i 



39 

cJeased the indignation of the Mexicans ; and the arrivaJ' 
of the viceroy Venegas, bringing rewards and honours 
for the instigators of the European faction, as well as for 
others concerned in it, produced an insurrection on the 
16th of September, 1810, in the town of Dolores near 
Guanaxuato. This insurrection soon extended through 
the whole country.* 

* Vide the observations presented to the cortes by the depii-. 
ties from Spanish America, on the 1st of August, 1811, 



CHAPTER IV. 

War declared against the American governments hy ike 
regency. — The cruelties of the Spaniards alienate com- 
pletely the minds of the Americans from the mother 
Qountry. — Declaration of the junta of Caraccas.—Use- 
hss attempts to obtain redress of grievances made hy 

. American members of the cortes.— Joseph Bonaparte^ to 
forward his interests in old Spain^ sends emissaries to 
.America, offering independence. — England proposes to 
mediate between Spain and her colonies, — Restoration of 
King Ferdinand does not bring peace. — General Mo-^ 
tHIq sent from Spain against Venezuela. 

-*' SCARCELY bad the council of regency," saj^s the 
decree of the regency, when it declared Caraccas in a 
state of blockade, " received intelligence of the occur- 
rences at Caraccas, whose inhabitants, instigated no 
doubt by some intriguing and factious persons, were 
guilty of declaring themselves independent of the mother 
country, and of forming a governing junta to exercise this 
supposed independent aiiihority^ when it determined to 
take the most active and efficacious means to attack the evil 
in its origin, and prevent its progress. But, in order to 
proceed with mature deliberation, the regency consulted 
the council of Spain and the Indies, and has taken such 
measures as will answer the end proposed, particularly 
as neither the province of Maracaybo, nor the department 
of'Coro, have taken part in the criminal proceedings ; 
but, on the contrary, have acknowledged the council of re- 
gency, and taken the most efficacious measures to oppose the 
absurd idea of Caraccas declaring herself independent, 
pithoift being possessed of the means of obtaining thisinde-. 



41 

pendence ! The regency hereby declares the province of 
Caraccas in a state of rigorous blockade," &c. " These 
resolutions do not extend to the above-mentioned divi- 
sions, which, having refused to follow the pernicious ex- 
ample of Caraccas, have manifested their constant fideli- 
ty by opposing the plan of rebellion, which only origi- 
nated in the unlimited ambition of some persons, and ia 
the blind credulity of others, who suffered themselves to 
be hurried away by the ardent passionsv of their fellow 
countrymen. The regency has taken the most secure 
measures to extirpate these evils, and to punish the au- 
thors of them with all ihe rigour which the rights of so- 
vereignty authorize it to use, unless there be a previous 
and voluntary submission, in which case the regency 
grants them a general pardon. The regency commands 
that these resolutions be circulated through all the Spa- 
nish dominions, that they may be carried into effect there 
as well as in foreign countries, and that they may act 
conformably to the measures taken for the blockade of 
the said coasts," &;c. 

When this decree was published, the 31st of August, 
1810, the council of the regency had been officially in- 
formed by the junta of Caraccas, of the reasons which 
had weighed with the people of Venezuela to induce 
them to assemble a junta, and which were nearly the 
same as those which required similar measures to be 
adopted in other parts ©f Spanish America, where they 
refused to acknowledge the authority of the regency. 
These reasons are contained in the answer of the su- 
preme junta of Caraccas, to the Marquis de las Herma- 
zas, minister in Spain, and which has been published in 
Walton's Expose to the Prince Regent of England.* 

* Vide the manifesto and proclamations of the junta of Santa. 
Fe de Bogota, the proclamation of the junta of Buenos Ayres, 
4* 



^rhe answer of the junta of Caraccas excited great no- 
dignation in the members of the regency and the people 
of Cadiz, who expected nothing from the Spanish Ame- 
ricans but a submissive conformity to their decrees ; and 
their disappointment reached the highest pitch, when 
they found that all Spanish America was actuated by the 
same spirit, though its different provinces were not act- 
ing in concert with each other. War seemed the pre- 
vailing wish of the merchants of Cadiz, and of the cortes 
which had been assembled by the regency : from thence 
arose invectives and sarcasms, which were published in 
the Cadiz newspapers against the Spanish Americans. 
The missions of Don N. Cortivarria to Puerto Rico, of 
Don N. Elio to Monte Video, of Don Benito Perez t© 
Panama, and of Don N. Venegas to Mexico, were for the 
purpose of putting in motion every engine that could 
kindle civil war. Religious prejudices, flattering pro- 
mises, private animosities, and threats were employed 
for this purpose. With similar intentions troops were 
sent to Monte Video, Vera Cruz, Coro, Panama, and 
Santa Marta, though at that time they were so important 
ti> the defence of their own country. Negotiations were 
carried on in the same spirit with the court of Brazil, re- 
specting the pretensions of the queen to be appointed 
regent in the absence of king Ferdinand. The cortes, 
W'hich had received their authority from the regency^ 
.shared its animosity against the Americans ; and, al- 
though there were in the cortes some American members, 
ehosen from the Americans, who happened to be at the 
time in the Isle of Leon, they were scarcely allowed to 
speak of their country, '* If the Americans," said one of 

Carthagena, and Quito ; as well as the manifesto of the junta of 
Sultepec, in Mexico, and the letter of the junta of (^araccas 1p 
the king of England. 



43 

^e members of the cortes, " complain of having been ty- 
rannized over for three hundred years, they shall now ex- 
perience a similar treatment for three thousand." " I 
am rejoiced," said another, after the battle of Albufera, 
" at the advantage we have gained, because we can now 
send troops to reduce the insurgents." " I do not know 
to what class of beasts belong the Americans," said aii« 
other.* 

Under these unfavourable auspices began the war in 
Spanish America ; and its long continuance, and the 
savage manner in which it is carried on, prove the irre- 
concilable animosity of the contending parties. The 
Spaniards are fighting to reconquer their once-possessed 
territories, the Spanish Americans to obtain independence. 
The first are cruel in the hour of triumph, and with ad- 
versity their enmit}' increases ; the latter are courageous 
in attack, and, when defeated, still ready to place confi- 
dence in their leaders, and again to rally under their ban- 
ners. The first possess greater military skill, the latter 
superiority of number. Both have uniformly shown a 
firmness and decision in action suited to the high objects 
they have in view, and to the great obstacles they have 
to overcome. In these contests the blood of thousands 
has already inundated an extent of country of more than 
sixteen hundred leagues, which comprise the Spanish set- 
tlements in the new continent ; and, as if the mortality 
in the field of battle were not sufficient, numbers are 
daily murdered in cold blood. 

The Spanish chiefs and rulers gave the first example of 
violating capitulations, of shooting prisoners, and of re- 
fusing all means for accommodation, in that cruel war 
carried on in the new continent by the authority of the 
frortes of Spain, and by Ferdinand the Seventh. I may, 

* Vide the manifesto of Alvarez Toledo, deputy at the corte^i, 



44 

indeed, defy the old Spaniards of either world to find an 
excuse, or even a palliation, for their want of humanity, 
and breaches of faith, since the beginning of the revolu- 
tion. The following are instances : 

When Hidalgo approached the Mexican capital at the' 
head of 80,000 men, he sent his envoys to Venegas, with 
proposals of peace, which the viceroy refused to answer. 
The junta of Sultepec made similar proposals, in 1812, 
and the result was the, same. General Miranda deliver- 
ed up the fort of La Guayra, the town of Caraccas^ 
and the provinces of Cumana and Barcelona, to the 
Spanish General Monteverde, by capitulation, who pro- 
mised to bury in oblivion every thing militating against 
the Spanish government, and granting the liberty of emi-. 
gration from Venezuela. Notwithstanding this treaty^ 
and solemn engagement, General Miranda was shortly 
after made a prisoner, thrown into a dungeon at Puerto 
Cabello, afterwards sent to Puerto Rico, and from thence 
to the prison of La Cartaca, in Cadiz, where he lately 
died. During a truce between the armies of Peru, com- 
manded by General Goyeneche, and that of Buenos 
Ay res, under the command of General Valcarce, an at- 
tack was made while the army of Buenos Ayres consi- 
dered itself secure, confiding in the existing treaty. Bel- 
grano, generalofthe patriots, who, in 1812, had taken 
General Tristan prisoner, and the division he command- 
ed of the army of Peru, generously gave them liberty 
to return home, having received their pledged honour 
that they would not fight against Buenos Ayres. They, 
however, violated this sacred engagement a lew days 
after. General Bolivar, having repeatedly defeated the 
royalists, commanded by Montievjsrde in Venezuela, ac- 
cepted terms of capitulation, which were never ratified. 
General Truxillo, in a despatch to Venegas, boasts of his 
having admitted a liag of truce, he being himself at the 



45 

head of his troops, drawn up in battle array. The bear* 
ers of the flag of truce wore a banner of the Virgin Mary ; 
this Truxillo asked for, and having obtained it, he gave 
orders for firing on these envoys. " By this means," he 
said, " I free myself of them and their proposals." 
General Calleja, informing the viceroy of Mexico, that in 
the battle of Aculco he had only one man killed and two 
wounded, adds, that he put to the sword five thousand 
Indians, and that the loss of the insurgents amounted ta 
ten thousand. General Calleja likewise entered Gua- 
naxuato with fire and sword, where he sacrificed 14,000 
old men, women, and children. These, and many mor©^ 
of General Calleja's achievements were well known in 
Spain, when the regency appointed him successor to th« 
viceroy Venegas. The conduct of Monte^erde was like- 
wise approved when he was appointed captain-general of 
Venezuela, after breaking the terms of capitulation with 
Miranda ; and, what formed his excuse for this breach of 
faith was, that he was not empowered to capitulate with 
the insurgents. 

Acts of cruelty on the part of the Spanish chiefs, and 
of approbation in the regency and cortes, exasperated the 
newly-formed governments in Spanish America, and gave 
strength to their decisions. The revolutionary spirit 
was confined at first to very few persons ; it soon spread, 
however, through the whole continent. The conduct of 
the central junta, and of the cortes of Spain, extended 
the same spirit, by irritating the minds of the people, 
who were now resolved to avail themselves of existing 
circumstances, and declare themselves independent of the 
mother country. The following is the act of independ- 
ence, published by the congress of Venezuela. 

*' In the name of the all powerful God : 

"We, the representatives of the united provinces of" 
Qaraccas, Caraana, Barinas, Margarita, Barcelona, Meri° 



46 

da, and Truxillo, forming the united confederation of Ve- 
nezuela in the southern continent, in congress assembled, 
considering the full and absolute possession of our rights, 
which we received justly and legally the 19th of April, 
1810, in consequence of the occurrences at Bayonne, of the 
Spanish throne being possessed by a conqueror, and of a 
new government having succeeded, constituted without 
our consent : We are desirous, before we make use of 
those rights, of which we have been deprived for more 
than three ages, but are now restored to us by the politi- 
cal order of human events, to make known to the world 
those reasons which have emanated from these occurrences, 
and which authorize us in the free use we are going to 
make of our own sovereignty. 

*' Nevertheless, we do not wish to begin by alleging 
the rights inherent in every conquered country to reco- 
ver its state of property and independence. We gene- 
rously forget the long series of ills, injuries, and privations 
which the sole right of conquest has indistinctly caused 
to all the descendants of the discoverers, conquerors, and 
settlers of these countries. Plunged into a worse state by 
the very same cause that ought to have favoured them, 
and drawing a veil over the three hundred years of Spa- 
nish dominion in America, we will now only present t© 
view those authenticated facts which ought to have wrest- 
ed from one world the right over the other, by the inver- 
sion, disorder, and conquest which have already dissolved 
the Spanish nation. 

"This disorder has increased the evils in America, by 
rendering void its claims and remonstrances; enabling 
the governors of Spain to insult and oppress this part of 
the nation, by leaving it without the succour and guarantee 
of the laws. 

*' It is contrary to order, impossible to the government 
of Spain, and fatal to the welfare of America, that the lat- 



47 

ter, possessed of a range of country infinitely more exteti- 
sive, and a population naore numerous than that of Spain, 
should be dependent on, and subject to a small peninsula 
in the European continent. 

*' The cessions and abdication at Bayonne, the revolu- 
lions of the Escurial and Aranjuez, and the orders of the 
royal substitute, the duke of Berg being sent to America, 
suffice to give virtue to the rights which until then the 
Americans had sacrificed to the unity and integrity of the 
Spanish nation. ^ 

*' Venezuela was the first to acknowledge and gene- 
rously to preserve this integrity ; nor did she abandon the 
cause of her fellow countrymen while they retained the 
least hope of salvation. 

" America was called into a new state of existence, 
since the period when she felt that she could and ought 
to take upon herself the charge of her own fate and pre- 
servation, &;c. 

*' The governments that arrogated to themselves the 
national representation took advantage of those disposi- 
tions which confidence, distance, oppression, and igno- 
rance created in the Americans against the new govern- 
ment which had entered Spain by means of force ; and, 
contrary to their own principles, they maintained among 
us the illusion in favour of Ferdinand, in order to devour 
and harass us with impunity ; they promised us liberty, 
equality, and fraternity, conveyed in pompous discourses 
and studied phrases, for the purpose of covering the snare 
iaid by a cunning, useless, and degrading representation. 

" As soon as they were dissolved, and had substituted 
and destroyed among themselves the various forms of the 
government of Spain, — and as soon as the imperious law 
of necessity had dictated to Venezuela the urgency of 
preserving herself, in order to guard and maintain the 
rights of her king, and to offer an asylum to her Euro- 



48 

pean brethren against the evils that threatened them,— - 
their former conduct was disowned, they varied their prin- 
ciples, and gave the appellations of insurrection, perfidy, 
and ingratitude to the same acts that had served as models 
for the governments of Spain, because for them the gate 
was then closed to the advantageous administration of 
public affairs, which they intended to perpetuate among 
themselves under the name of an imaginary king. 

*' Notwithstanding our remonstrances, our moderation, 
generosity, and the inviolability of our principles, contra- 
ry to the wishes of the majority of our brethren in Eu- 
rope, we were declared in a state of rebellion ; we were 
blockaded ; war was declared against us ; agents were 
sent among us to excite us one against the other, endea- 
vouring to destroy our credit among the nations in Europe, 
and imploring their assistance to oppress us. 

" Without taking the least notice of our reasons, with- 
out offering them to the impartial judgment of the world, 
and without any other judges than our enemies, we are 
condemned to be debarred from all intercourse with our 
mother country ; and, to add contempt to calumny, em- 
powered agents are named for us against our own express 
will, that in their cortes they may arbitrarily dispose of 
our interests under tlie influence and power of our ene- 
mies. 

" In order to crush a«d suppress the effects of our re- 
presentation when they were obliged to grant it to us, we 
were degraded to a paltry and diminutive scale, and the 
form of election depended on the passive voice of the mu- 
nicipal bodies, whose importaBce was lessened by the des- 
potism of the governors. This was an insult to our confi- 
dence and frank mode of acting, rather than an acknow- 
ledgment of our incontestable political consequence. 

" Always deaf to the cries^of justice on our part, the 
governments of Spain have endeavoured to discredit all 



1 



49 

our efforts, by declaring as criminal, and stamping mth 
infamy, and rewarding with the scaffold and confiscationj, 
every attempt which the Americans, at different periods, 
have made for the welfare of their country ; such was that 
which our own security lately dictated to us, that we might 
not be driven into that state of confusion which we fore- 
saw, and hurried to that horrid fate which we hope soon 
to avert for ever. By means of such atrocious policy, 
they have succeeded in making our Spanish countrymen 
insensible to our misfortunes ; in arming them against us ; 
in erasing from their bosoms the sweet impressions of 
friendship, of consanguinity ; and converting into enemies 
members even of our own great family. 

" When we, faithful to our promises, were sacrificing 
our security and civil dignity, not to abandon the rights 
which we generously preserved to Ferdinand of Bourbon^ 
we have heard that, to the bonds of power which bound 
him to the emperor of the French, he has added the ties 
of blood and friendship ; in consequence of which, even 
the governments of Spain have already declared their re? 
solution only to acknowledge him conditionally.* 

" In this sad alternative we have remained three yearS;, 
in a state of political indecision and ambiguity so fatal and 
dangerous, that this alone would authorize the resolution 
which the faith of our promises and the bonds of fraternity 
had caused us to defer ; till necessity obliged us to go be- 
yond what we at first proposed, impelled by the hostile 
and unnatural conduct of the governments of Spain, which 
has freed us of our conditional oath ; by which circum- 
stance we are called to the august representation we now 
exercise. 

" But we, who glory in founding our proceedings on 

* Ferdinand was at one time supposed to be married to a rela- 
tion of Bonaparte* 

S 



50 

better principles, and not wishing to establish our felici- 
ty on the misfortunes of our fellow beings, consider and 
declare as friends, as companions of our fate, and par- 
ticipators of our happiness, those who, united to us by the 
ties of blood, language, and religion, have suffered the 
same evils under the old order of things ; provided they 
acknowledge our absolute independence of them, and of 
any forc^ign power whatever ; that they assist us to main- 
tain this independence with their lives, fortunes, and sen- 
timents ; declaring and acknowledging to us, as well as to 
every other nation, that we are in war enemies, in peace 
friends, brothers, and copatriots. 

" In consequence of ail these solid, public, and incon- 
testable reasons of policy, which so powerfully urge the 
necessity of recovering our natural dignity restored to us 
by the order of events, and in compliance with those un- 
prescribed rights enjoyed by nation® to destroy every 
compact, agreement, or association which does not an- 
swer the purposes for which governments were establish- 
ed, we believe that we cannot nor ought not to preserve 
the bonds which hitherto kept us united to the govern- 
ments of Spain ; and that, like all the other nations of the 
world, we are free, and authorized not to depend on any 
other authority than our own ; and to take among the 
powers of the earth that place of equality which nature 
and the Supreme Being assign to us, and to which we are 
called by the succession of human events, urged on to our 
own good and utility. 

" We are aware of the difficulties that attend, and the 
obligations imposed upon us by the rank we are going to 
take in the political order of the world, as well as of 
the powerful influence of forms and customs to which, 
unfortunately, we have been long used ; we at the same 
time know, that the shameful submission to them, when 
we can throw them off, would be still more ignominious 



51 

for U3, and fatal to our posterity, than our long and pain- 
ful slavery ; and, that it now becomes an indispensable 
duty to provide for our own preservation, security, and 
happiness, by essentially varying all the forms of our 
former constitution. 

" Considering, therefore, that by the reasons thus al- 
leged, we have satisfied the respect which we owe to the 
opinions of the human race, and the dignity of other na- 
tions, into the number of which we now enter, and on 
whose communication and friendship we rely ; we, the 
representatives of the united provinces of Venezuela, 
calling on the Supreme Being to witness the justice of 
our proceedings, and the rectitude of our intentions, do 
implore his divine and celestial help ; and ratifying, at 
the moment in which we are raised to the dignity which 
he restores to us, the desire we have of living and dying 
free, and of believing and defending the holy catholic 
and apostolic religion of Jesus Christ, We, therefore, ia 
the name and authority which we hold from the virtuous 
people of Venezuela, declare solemnly to the world, that 
its united provinces are, and ought to be, from this day, 
by act and right, free, sovereign, and independent states ; 
and that they are absolved from every submission and 
dependence on the throne of Spain, or on those who 
do, or may call themselves its agents or representatives ; 
and, that a free and independent state, thus constituted, 
has full power to take that form of government which 
may be conformable to the general will of the people ; to 
declare war, make peace, form alliances, regulate trea- 
ties of commerce, limits, and navigation, and to do and 
transact every act in like manner as other free and in= 
dependent states. And that this our solemn declaration 
may be held valid, firm, and durable, we hereby mutu- 
ally bind each province to the other, and pledge our 
lives, fortunes, and the sacred tie of our national honour. 



Done in the federal palace of Caraccas. Signed by our 
t)wn hands, sealed with the great provisional seal of the 
confederation, and countersigned by the secretary of 
congress, this 5th day of July, 1811, the first of our inde- 
pendence, 

"JUAN ANTONIO RODRIGUEZ DOMIN- 
GUEZ, President. 
LUIS IGNACIO MENDOZA, Vice-President. 
FRANCISCO ISNARDY, Secretary." 

Similar declarations were made in Mexico, and in Car- 
thagena, Socorro, Tunja, Pamplona, Antioquia, and the 
other provinces, which composed the confederation of 
New Grenada, and, latterly, by the congress of Buenos 
Ay res. 

When the Spanish cortes perceived the end which the 
American subjects had in view, and which was the con- 
sequence of impolitic proceedings of the regency, they 
t>?g?.n to be alarmed : and the few American members 
were allowed a hearing. Before this period, the same 
Americans had presented to the cortes the plan of a de- 
cree, which offered some redress for the grievances Spa- 
nish America had experienced from the preceding go- 
vernments ; but the cortes rejected the plan. These 
Americans again put in their claims on the l6th of No- 
vember and the 31st of December, 1810, and they were 
likewise rejected. However, in January, 1811, their 
claims, contained in eleven propositions, were discussed ; 
but in the following month of February, they were re- 
jected, or at least deferred to an indefinite period. The 
"^eleven propositions alluded to, may give some idea of 
the redress that had been sought in vain by the Spanish 
settlements for three centuries. 

*' 1st, In conformity to the decree of the central junta, 
dated the 16th of October, 1809, which declared the inha- 
bitants of Spanish America equal in rights to those of the 



53 

peninsula, the national representation of every part of 
Spanish America, the Spanish West-Indies, and the 
Philippine Islands, including every class of their inhabit- 
ants, shall be the same in form, manner, and without dis- 
tinction, as in the kingdom and islands of European 
Spain. 

*' 2dly, The free natives and inhabitants of Spanish 
America shall be allowed to plant and to cultivate what- 
ever their climate will produce ; with license to encou- 
rage industry, and to promote manufactures and arts m 
their fullest extent. 

*' 3djy, Spanish America shall enjoy the liberty of ex- 
porting her own natural and manufactured productions to 
the peninsula, as well as to the allies, and to neutral 
nations ; and of importing whatever she may want. All 
her ports are consequently to be opened." This and 
the preceding demand were agreed to, but the order to 
carry them into execution was never published. 

*' 4thly, There shall be a free trade between Spanish 
America and the Spanish settlements in Asia. Every 
thing militating against this freedom to' be abolished. 

'* 5thly, Freedom of trade to be granted from all the 
ports in Spanish America and the Philippine Islands to 
other parts of Asia. Any law existing contrary to such 
freedom to be annulled. 

*' 6thly, All estancos, or monopolies in favour of the 
public treasury, or of the king, shall be suppressed ; but 
the public treasury shall be indemnified for the loss of 
profit arising from such monopoly, by new duties on the 
same articles. 

«' Tthly, The working the quicksilver mines shall be 
free in Spanish America, but the administration of the 
produce 'shall remain in charge of the ofiicers of the 
minery department, independent of the viceroys and 
captains-general, and officers of the real haeienda,'^ This 



54 

was granted, and orders were published for carrying it 
into execution in the provinces under the Spaniards. 

** 8thly, All Spanish Americans shall be eligible equal- 
ly with Spaniards to all appointments of rank or emolu- 
ment, whether at court or in any part of the monarchy, 
either in political, military, or ecclesiastical depart- 
ments. 

*' 9thly, Consulting the natural protection of each 
kingdom in Spanish America, half of the public appoint- 
ments shall be filled by Spanish subjects born in America., 
" lOthly, That the above stipulations may be punctu- 
ally adhered to, a consultive junta shall be formed in 
each capital, to the intent that it may propose persons 
suited to fill each vacancy. 

" llthly, Considering the great advantages resulting 
from the cultivation of science, and the benefits that may 
be derived from instructing the Indians, the order of the 
Jesuits to be re-established by the cortes." 

The conduct of the diflferent governments maintaining 
the rights of Ferdinand the Seventh, opposing the free- 
dom of the Americans, and that of Joseph Bonaparte aid- 
ing it, make a singular contrast. The fate of the French 
commissioners who were sent to Spanish America to car- 
ry the acts of the cession of the crown of Spain in favour 
of Bonaparte, and of his cession of the same crown in 
Javour of his brother Joseph, gave early and convincing 
proofs to the Bonaparte family, that the Americans did 
not espouse their cause. Seeing afterwards, that the 
sums of money the peninsula daily received from the 
new world, contributed so decidedly to protract the war 
in Spain, the minister of the new kir^, in order to de- 
prive the j^nta central of these resources, formed a plaa 
to excite a revolt in Spanish America. The principles 
®f this plan may be known by the instructions given ti® 



5d 

(he chief agent appointed by Joseph Bonaparte, at Baltl- 
jnore, M. Desmolard. The following is a copy of them : 

" Instructions given by Joseph Napoleon, to the com- 
missary or principal agent appointed by him at Balti- 
more, M. Desmolard, and to the others who, furnished 
with his orders, have gone to Spanish America for the 
purpose of exciting a revolution there : 

*' The object which these agents are to aim at for the 
present, is only to declare to the Creoles of Spanish Ame- 
rica, and to persuade them, that his imperial and royal 
majesty has solely in view to give liberty to Spanish 
America, whose inhabitants have been enslaved for so 
many years ; and the only return expected for so areata 
boon, is the friendship of the natives, and commerce with 
the harbours of both Americas ; That, to render Spanish 
America free and independent of Europe, his said majes- 
ty offers all the necessary assistance of troops and warlike 
stores, he having agreed with the United States of North 
America to accommodate him therewith. Every com- 
missary or agent in chief, being acquainted with the dis- 
trict to Which he is deputed, and also with the character 
of its inhabitants, will have no difficulty in selecting prt)- 
per persons to give them the needful instructions for per- 
suading the people, and pointing out to them the advan- 
tage they will derive from throwing off the European 
yoke. He will make them observe that large sums will 
remain and circulate in the American provinces, by sus- 
pending the profuse remittances wliich are continually 
making to Spain ; and that their commerce will be in 
creased, and their ports be open to all foreign nations^ 
He will dwell on the advantage to be derived from the 
freedom of agriculture, and the cultivation of all those 
articles at present prohibited by the Spanish government ; 
for instance, that of saffron, hemp, flax, olives, vines, &c. -; 
the benefit that will accrue to therp. from the establisb^^ 



56 

ment of manufactures of every sort ; the great satisfactioo 
and advantage of abolishing the monopolies of tobacco, 
gunpowder, stamps, &c. To obtain these points with 
some ease, in consequence of the greater part of the peo- 
ple being uncivilized, the agents ought to be solicitous to 
render themselves acceptable to the governors, intendants, 
curates, and prelates. They will spare no expense, nor 
any other means of gaining their good will, espe- 
cially that of the ecclesiastics, on whom they are to 
prevail, that they should urge and persuade penitents, 
when they come to confess, that they stand in need of an 
independent government, that they must not lose so fa- 
vourable an opportunity as that which now presents it- 
self, and which the emperor Napoleon affords them, who, 
they are to make the people believe, is sent by God to 
chastise the pride and tyranny of monarchs ; and that it 
is a mortal sin, admitting of no pardon, to resist God*s 
will. They will, on every occasion, call to their minds 
the opposition they experience from the Europeans, the 
vile manner in which they are treated by them, and the 
contempt to which they are exposed. They will also re- 
mind the Indians, cifcumstantially, of the cruelties of the 
Spaniards in conquest, and of their infamous treatment of 
their legitimate sovereigns, in dethroning them, in taking 
away their lives, or enslaving them. They will describe 
the acts of injustice which they daily experience when 
applying for places, which are bestowed by the viceroys 
and governors on worthless persons, to the exclusion of 
the meritorious. They will direct the people's attention 
to the superior talents of the many neglected Creoles, and 
people of merit, contrasted with the European public 
officers and ecclesiastics, which will make apparent the 
hardships they suffer, and will enable them to draw a 
parallel between the talents and merits of the Creoles and 
those of the European officers. They will represent ta 



57 

them the difference between the Umted States and Spa- 
nish America, the comforts which those Americans enjoy» 
and their advancement in commerce, agriculture, and na- 
vigation ; and the pleasure of living free from the Euro- 
pean yoke, and being left solely to their own patriotic 
and elective government. They will assure them, that 
America, once disengaged from Spain, will become the 
legislatrix of Europe. All agents, both principal and su- 
bordinate, are to specify the names of those who declare 
themselves friends and votaries of liberty ; and the su- 
baltern agents are to transmit the lists to the principalsj 
who will make their reports to my envoy in the United 
States, for my information, and that I may duly reward 
every individual. My agents will refrain from declaim- 
ing against the inquisition or the church, and, in their 
conversations, rather insist upon the necessity of that 
holy tribunal, and on the usefulness of the clergy. Upoa 
the insurrectional standards or banners is to be inscribed, 
the motto, " Long live the catholic, apostolic, and Roman 
religion, and perish the bad government !" They will, 
besides, make the Indians observe how happy they will 
be when they become once more masters of their country, 
and free from the tyrannical tribute which they pay to a 
foreign monarch ; and, lastly, they will tell the people 
that their said monarch does not so much as exist in his, 
own government, but is in the power of the restorer of 
liberty, and the universal legislator. Napoleon. In short, 
these agents must, by all possible means, endeavour to 
show the people the utility which will arise to them from 
the government in question. The revolution having been 
thus prepared, and all the principal members who are to 
take a share in it, in every city and province, having 
been gained over, it will be for the chief, as well as the 
subordinate agents, to accelerate the insurrection, in order 
that the revolt may take place at the diflferent point? 



58 

agreed upon, on the same day and at the same hour ; this 
being a very material point, which will greatly facilitate 
the enterprise. The principal agents in every province 
of their department, and the subalterns in the posts assign- 
ed them, will win over the domestics of governors, in- 
tendants, and other persons in power, and by means of 
them they will poison those of this class whom they con- 
sider as hostile to the undertaking ; an operation which 
Is to precede the revolution, in order to remove all obsta- 
cles. The first thing to be considered will be, how to 
stop the remittances of treasure to the peninsula, which 
may easily be effected by having good agents at Vera 
Cruz, where all the vessels arriving from Europe will be 
received, and their officers and crews immediately con- 
fined in the fortresses, until every thing shall have sujg- 
ceeded, and the revolution be in forwardness. /The 
agents are further directed to instruct their sub-agents to 
transmit to them frequent accounts of the progfess of the 
revolution ; and the chief agents will communicate with 
my envoy in the United States by the channels which 
shall be pointed out to them. For this purpose it will be 
proper to keep prepared land-conveyances to those points 
of the coast which may be deemed suitable, and where 
there are always to be ready vessels for any emergency. 

" JOSEPH NAPOLEON. 
^' To my envoy Desmolard." 

The agents sent by Joseph Bonaparte penetrated into 
different parts of the new continent, and one of them was 
discovered and shot in the town of Habana. A copy of 
the above instructions was found in Caraccas, in the office 
of the secretary to the junta suprema, and sent by the 
junta to the admiral of the Barbadoes station, as a cautio?i 
against Napoleon's intrigues. 



59 

The bad reception the French agents met with coc- 
vinced the English government that there neither was a 
party for Joseph Bonaparte, nor even a numerous one for 
independence in Spanish America. The English were 
solemnly pledged to assist the heroic efforts of Spain in re- 
pelling the invasion of Napoleon Bonaparte ; and in fight- 
ing for the cause of Spain, they were defending their own ; 
this naturally inclined thera to exert their influence in fa- 
vour of the Spanish governors when the troubles in South 
America began. Lord Liverpool, on the 29th of June^ 
1810, wrote to General Layard, governor of Curacoa, in 
the following terms : " That his Britannic Majesty had 
strong reasons for hoping that the inhabitants of Caraccas 
would acknowledge the authority of the regency of Spain." 

This letter was communicated to the government of 
Cadiz, and to that of Caraccas, and published in both 
places. Colonel Robertson, secretary to General Layard, 
arrived about that period at Caraccas, apparently with the 
design of prevailing with the government to realize the 
hopes of the British minister ; but Colonel Robertson, 
having observed the discontent which generally prevailed 
against the government of Cadi2, did not venture to make 
known the object of his journey. 

The English government did not renounce its plan of 
restoring union between Spain and the provinces then in 
a state of insurrection in Spanish America. In the month 
x)f April, 1811, the English offered their mediation, which 
the Cortes accepted on the 6th of June; and these were 
the conditions proposed by them : 

" 1st, The revolting provinces, las provincias disiden- 
tesy shall swear allegiance to the cortes and regency, and 
nominate their deputies to the cortes. 

" 2dly, Hostilities between the armies shall be sus- 
pended, and all prisoners released. 



60 

" 3dly, That the cortes shall duly attend to the com- 
plaints of the Spanish Americans. 

i* 4thly, That the commissioners shall render an ac- 
count of the progress and effect of the mediation eight 
months from its commencement. 

*' 5thl7, While the mediation continues, the cortes are 
to allow a free trade between England and the rebelling 
provinces. 

" 6thly, The mediation must be concluded in fifteen 
months. 

" 7thly, If the commissioners are not successful in pre- 
vailing with the Spanish Americans to accede to the terms 
proposed, the English government engages to assist Spain 
to subdue them by force. 

*^ 8thly, The Spanish government, for the support of 
its own honour, is openly to declare to the English minis- 
ter, those reasons which have induced the cortes to ac- 
cept of their mediation." 

Notwithstanding the illiberal conditions proposed by 
the cortes, on the 2d of October the same year, the Eng- 
lish government appointed commissioners, Messrs. Morier, 
Stuart, and Admiral Cockburn. But thinking, from the 
basis of the terms proposed by the cortes, that they were 
not likely to be productive of great consequences, they 
applied again to the cortes the following year, and pro- 
posed the following terms as better suited to attain the end 
proposed : 

*' 1st, That there should be a cessation of hostilities be- 
tween Spain and Spanish America. 

*' 2dly, An amnesty shall be granted, and perfect ob- 
livion of all acts, or even opinions that may have been ex- 
pressed, by the Spanish Americans against the Spaniards 
or their government. 

" 3dly, That the cortes shall confirm and enforce all 
tke rights of the Spanish Americans, and that they shall 



61 

he allowed justly and liberally their representatives iu 
the cortes. 

" 4thly, That Spanish America should be permitted 
perfect freedom for commerce, though some degree of 
preference may be allowed to Spain. 

*' 6thly, That the appointments of viceroys, govern- 
ors, &c. shall be given indiscriminately to South Ameri* 
cans and Spaniards. 

" 6thly, That the interior government, and every 
branch of public administration, shall be intrusted to the 
cabildo, or municipalities, who shall act in conjunction 
with the chief of the provinces ; and that the members of 
the cabildo shall be either South Americans or Spaniards, 
possessing property in the respective provinces. 

" 7thly, That Spanish America shall swear allegiance 
to Ferdinand the Seventh, as soon as she is put in pos- 
session of her rights, and has sent deputies to the cortes. 

" 8thly, That Spanish America shall acknowledge the 
sovereignty possessed by the cortes, as representing Fer- 
dinand the Seventh. 

" 9thly, That Spanish America shall pledge herself to 
maintain a mutual and friendly intercourse with the pe- 
ninsula, 

" lOthly, That Spanish America shall oblige herself 
to co-operate with the cortes and the allies of Spain to 
preserve the peninsula from the power of France. 

*'llthiy. That Spanish America shall pledge herself 
to send liberal succour to the peninsula for the continu- 
ance of the war." 

The debates of the cortes, on the proposed mediation, 
lasted many days, and were kept secret ; after which, 
they rejected it, with the exception of forty -six votes ; 
viz. those of the Spanish American deputies, and six Eu- 
ropeans. The principal grounds on which the negative 
ivas carried were, that the people of Spanish America 
6 



62 

had not asked the mediation of England, and that ttie 
English had sinister views in offering it. 

This was not the only dis^appointment the English go- 
vernment suffered from the cortes in the affairs which re- 
lated to the American settlements. The British minis- 
ter, resident at Cadiz, endeavoured to open a trade with 
Spanish America soon after the assembling of the cortes, 
but it was abruptly refused. The regency, however, 
pressed the subject again on the national legislature ; and 
it was taken into consideration, in sessions that were kept 
secret, about the middle of April, 1811. No sooner was 
this known in Cadiz, than the public papers were filled 
vrith invectives against the demands of the cabinet of St. 
James. Among many other publications on that subject, 
one is peculiarly remarkable — the manifesto of the consula- 
do or board of trade in Cadiz, under the authority of the 
president, prior, consuls, deputies, and other members, 
convened on the 24th of July, 1811, for the purpose of 
discussing the question. This manifesto attempts to 
prove *' that a free trade with the American provinces 
would work a ruin greater than that which Spain then 
experienced ; that those who were desirous of establish- 
ing it were impostors, and deserving of exemplary pun- 
ishment, and of perpetual banishment : That the fate of 
Spain, and her political existence, depended on the solu- 
tion of this question : That the names of those who pro- 
posed such a disastrous trade ought to be transmitted to 
posterity, that they might receive from later ages the in- 
dignation they justly merited : That the Americans had 
not required the establishment of this free trade ; that 
they even detested it as prejudicial to their interest ; 
That Spain would be ruined, made the tool of foreigners, 
and that, her merchants and manufacturers being destroy- 
ed^ she would herself lose all freedom : That, in short.. 



63 

this commerce would be subversive of religion, order., 
society, and morality." 

Though the deputies from Spanish America, and many 
of the Europeans, supported the proposal of this free 
trade as a measure of policy and necessity, the majority 
of the cortes seemed nevertheless to feel the weight of 
the reasons alleged by the consulado de Cadiz, and re- 
jected formally, on the 13th of August, 1811, the free 
trade demanded by the English with Spanish America. 

While the mediation proposed by the English govern- 
ment, and the demands of the Spanish American deputies, 
bad been unsuccessful with the cortes of Spain, the arms 
of the revolutionary government had obtained important 
advantages in the new continent. They possessed that 
whole territory which comprised Buenos Ayres, Vene- 
zuela, and New Grenada, with the' exception of a few 
fortified places and some provinces ; and the Mexican 
patriots obtained possession of many places in the inte- 
rior of Mexico, under Morelos, Rayon, Victoria, and 
others. Some plan for revolt had been discovered in the 
capital of Mexico, and even Lima had been threatened 
with insurrection. 

Such was the political situation of Spanish America 
when, in consequence of the unexpected destruction of the 
French army at Moscow, the united powers of the north 
invaded France by Switzerland, and the English and 
Spaniards by the Pyrenees. Bonaparte was attacked 
even by the king of Naples, his brother-in-law — forsaken 
by two of his marshals — abandoned by the nation, whose 
wishes he had not latterly consulted, and he lost the em,» 
pire. In the perplexing situation in whi<;h he found him- 
self by this invasion of the allies, he had recourse to two 
distinguished prisoners then in his power, the king of 
Spain, and the head of the Catholic church. Thinking 
to take advantage of their situation, he released them. 



64 

Ferdinand was restored to his own country, under aus= 
pices most favourable for confirming the good opinion his 
subjects entertained of his virtues. The sufferings of his 
youth had excited the sympathy of both Spaniards and 
Americans ; and the treacherous manner: in which he had 
been taken from his kingdom inspired them with such inte- 
rest for him, that their attachment nearly bordered on ado- 
ration. Spain ruined by a desolating war which had last- 
ed six years — Spanish America destroyed by civil con- 
tests carried on with an extreme degree of animosity — 
what a happy opportunity for Ferdinand to have showR 
himself the restorer of tranquillity, the mediator between 
his conteDdlng subjects, the angel of peace ! 

The war in the peninsula seemed crowned with a com- 
plete triumph by the restoration of the king ; that in Spa-^ 
nish America still continued ; but as the absence of Fer- 
dinand had given rise to it, his return ought to have heal- 
ed dissention. And, in fact, the intelligence of the fall of 
Bonaparte, and of the restoration of the king of Spain, filled 
their minds with such astonishment, that a son of stupor 
pervaded their armies, and their swords would quickly 
have been sheathed, had they been only encouraged to re- 
turn to peace. 

King Ferdinand, in his decree of the 4th of June, 
1814, announced to the South Americans his return to his 
country, and ordered that they should lay down their 
arms. Soon after an army was equipped in Cadiz, and 
Horillo appointed its commander. Ten thousand men 
chosen from the best troops in Spain — an armament such 
as had never before been seen on the coast of Venezuela — 
appeared before Carupano in the middle of April, 1815. 
Alarm was now spread among those who had been fight- 
ing for the cause of independence. All hopes of recon- 
-eiliation were abandoned, and a revolt in Spanish Ameri- 



65 

ca, against the authority of Ferdinand the Seventh, dater 
from this4>eriod. 

From Carupano General Morillo proceeded to Marga» 
rita, from thence to Caraccas, and in the following August 
he besieged Carthagena. The dissentions between Bo- 
livar and Castillo, both commanders of the South Ameri- 
can forces, had lessened the means of defence which 
Carthagena possessed, and even deprived it of supplies 
of provisions. The inhabitants, nevertheless, supported 
by near two thousand regular troops, prepared themselves 
for a vigorous resistance. The only attack upon the 
town, or rather upon Lapopa, which commands the town, 
was made the 11th of November, when the assailants 
were repulsed. Provisions, however, began to fail, and 
the vessels which approached the harbour were taken by 
the Spanish ships of war which blockaded the port. More 
than three thousand persons died actually of famine. To 
attempt a longer resistance was vain. The 5th of De- 
cember, 1815, the governor and garrison of Carthagena 
evacuated the place, and the following morning the king's 
troops entered. 

In possession of Carthagena, General Morillo was ena- 
bled to conquer New Grenada, which his array did in the 
following manner. Calzada, with part of Morillo's forces 
left at Caraccas, invaded the provinces of Pamplona and 
Tunja ; another division penetrated tlirough the provinces 
of Antioquia and Popayan ; and the commander in chief 
went up the river Magdalena, nearly as far as Sanbarto- 
lome. Part of his troops proceeded up the river as far 
as the town of Honda j but Morillo took the road towards 
Ocana and Sangil, in the province of Socorro. The 
royal troops had many skirmishes with the independents, in 
which the advantage was always on the side of the king's 
forces. At last, the battle of Cachiri was fought, and in 
it fell the best of the troops and officers who had support- 
6* 



66 

ed the congress of New Grenada, In consequence of 
this defeat the congress separated, and the few remaining 
troops, having abandoned the scene of action, took the 
road of Los Llanos, commanded by the generals Cerviez 
and Ricaute. 

General Morillo entered Santa Fe de Bogota in the 
month of June, 1816, and remained there till NT)vember. 
More than six hundred persons, of those who had com- 
posed the congress and the provincial governments, a^ 
well as the chiefs of the independent army, were shot, 
hanged, or exiled ; and the prisons remained full of others 
who were yet waiting their fate. Among those executed 
were the botanists Don J. Caldas and Don J. Lozano, 
who had been ordered by the congress of New Grenada 
to publish the works of Dr. Mutis ; Don. J. M. Cabal, a 
distinguished chymist ; Don C. Torres, a man distin- 
guished for his learning ; Don J. G. Gutierrez Moreno, 
and Don M. R. Torices, both well known for having been 
entirely devoted to the cause of their country ; Don An- 
tonio Maria Palacio-faxar, Don J. M. Gutierrez, Don Mi- 
guel Pombo, D. F. A. Ulloa, and many other learned and 
valuable characters. The wives of persons executed or 
exiled by Morillo were themselves exiled too. 



m 



PART II. 

THE RETOLUTION IN VENEZUELA AND NEW 
GRENADA. 



CHAPTER I. 

Revolution of Venezuela, — Establishment of the junta su- 
prema. — Declaration of independence, — Conquest of 
the country y after the earthquake^ by Monteverde, royalist 
general.^— It again falls to the patriot Bolivar, from 
JN'ew Grenada^ eighteen months after. — Battle of ha 
Puerta gives the royalists possession of Caraccas in July^ 
181 '. — Bolivar lands -with an expedition from St. Do- 
mingo in May^ 1816. — Subsequent events. 

I HE provinces called Venezuela, of which the city of 
Caraccas is the capital, are the island of Margarita, Bari- 
nas, Guayana, Maracaybo, Cumana, and Caraccas. The 
last four provinces are situated betv^een the banks of the 
Oronoco and Cape Vela ; but that of Barinas occupies the 
inland part of Venezuela, bordering on Caraccas, Guaya- 
na, and Maracaybo, and likewise on Casanare, and Pam- 
plona, provinces of New Grenada, from which it is sepa- 
rated by the rivers Arauca and Tachira. In the town of 
Caraccas alone there were 45,000 inhabitants ; the whole 
population of Venezuela amounted, in 1811, to more than 
800,000. 

The municipality of Caraccas, in conjunctioa with the 



68 

deputies nominated by the people, assumed the reins of 
government on the 19th of April, 1819, taking the appel- 
lation o[ junta suprema, maintaining the rights of Ferdi- 
nand the Seventh, Its first decrees contained orders to 
arrest the captain-general, and the members of the audi- 
encia ; which being done, they were sent to the United 
States of America. They decreed, likewise, that the al- 
cabala should be abolished, the tribute paid by the In- 
dians, and the slave trade ; that freedom of commerce, 
agriculture, &c. should be established ; and that these 
political changes should be published throughout the pro- 
vinces, and made known to the English government. In- 
telligence of the different decrees having extended through 
Venezuela, all, excepting Maracaybo, formed juntas in 
imitation of that at Caraccas. The junta of Guayana 
acknowledged the suprema junta of Caraccas, but some 
days after renounced allegiance to it, and recognised the 
regency of Cadiz. This change was occasioned by the 
influence of the Spaniards who were members of the jun- 
ta, and whose number greatly exceeded that of th^ South 
Americans. The juntas of Barinas and Cumana sent 
their deputies to Caraccas. They did not acknowledge 
the junta suprema, but insisted on a general congress be- 
ing assembled. Don Fernando Miyares, being governor 
of Maracaybo, opposed the innovations at Caraccas, 
treating the deputies sent to him by the new government 
in a hostile manner. These deputies were Don A. Mo- 
reno, D. Jugo, and N. Texera ; they were arrested by 
Cevallos, the commandant of Coro, and thrown some time 
after into dungeons at Puerto Rico : after much suffering 
they were restored to liberty by the intercession of Ad- 
miral Sir Alexander Cochrane. 

The supreme junta of Caraccas informed the regency 
©f Spain of the changes that had taken place at Venezue- 
la ; openly declaring the reasons that had induced them 



69 

to establish a government which might protect their o^n 
rights, and those of the imprisoned monarch ; and cordi- 
ally offering every assistance which Venezuela could com- 
mand, for the support of the war against the French. 

This conduct appeared only to irritate the regency^ 
who vievved in the light of rebellion the innovations at 
Caraccas ; and they declared all the ports attached to the 
new government in a state of blockade. Don N. Corta- 
varria was deputed to Puerto Rico, with the title of co- 
misionado regio^ invested with the absolute authority to 
reduce Venezuela to its former subjection. This repre- 
sentative of the regency first addressed himself to the in- 
habitants of Venezuela, exhorting them to dissolve the go- 
vernment, and promising that then the complaints of the 
people should be redressed. In consequence of the an- 
swers given in the Caraccas newspapers to the proposals 
of Cortavarria, he had recourse to other methods : spies 
and emissaries of every description were sent to all parts 
of Venezuela, with the intent of effecting a counter revo- 
lution. 

In the mean time the junta suprema, foreseeing the 
consequences which might arise from the opposition 
shown by the governor of Maracaybo, who had now been 
nominated captain-general of Venezuela by the regency 
of Spain, and who was united with the commandant of Coro, 
one of the departments of the province of Caraccas, sent 
troops to Carora, under the command of the marquis del 
Toro, to prevent any attack from the governor of Mara- 
caybo. The departments of Merida and Truxillo, which 
formed part of the province of Maracaybo, renounced 
their allegiance to the capital, demanding the protection 
of the junta of Barinas, and of the marquis del Toro. — 
Don Diego del Toro, and Don Pedro Brizeno, were ap- 
pointed commanders of the troops which were sent to pro-' 
tect those departments. 



70 

The marquis del Toro, willing lo conform to the U- 
structions he had received from the government, raised a 
corps of three thousand men, and opened a correspond- 
ence with Don Fernando Miyares. This correspondence 
tended to persuade the governor of the necessity of uniting 
his province in the general cause of Venezuela. At length 
General del Toro, weary of this useless correspondence, 
and having observed how much the forces of Miyares daily 
gained strength by the addition of the Spaniards who emi- 
grated from the other provinces of Venezuela — the dis- 
position evinced in his favour by the town of Maracaybo, 
where many attempts at insurrection had been stifled — 
and, above all, anxious to prevent Ihe arrival of troops 
from the peninsula — acquainted the junta of Caraccas 
with the advantage he conceived would arise from attack- 
ing the department of Coro : this being subdued, Mara- 
caybo would join in the general cause. The event proved 
that this attack ought to have been made immediately 
after the establishment of the junta suprema, as indeed 
had been the opinion of Don J. Cortes Madariaga, one of 
the members of the junta, and who had largely contribu- 
ted to its establishment. 

The government of Caraccas agreed with the plan of 
the marquis del Toro, who accordingly entered the terri- 
tory of Coro in November, 1810. All yielded to him at 
first, even the suburbs of the capital, where the enemy 
made the strongest resistance. An extent of more than 
forty leagues of wild and sandy country divides the towns 
of Coro and Carora, from whence the army of Venezuela 
had marched. General Toro neglected to station his 
forces so as to preserve intercourse with Carora, and in 
consequence communication was cut oflf. Provisions for 
the army failed, and the ships of war which had sailed 
from Puerto Cabello, to co-operate with the army by at- 
tacking La Vela de Coro, having been prevented by the. 



71 

weather frorii approaching the harbour, the marquis del 
Toro was under the necessity of making a retreat, wdich 
he effected with great difficulty, and only by force of arms. 
This expeJition therefore failed ; but it served at least to 
prove, for the first time, that Caraccas could furnish an 
army that was neither deficient in discipline nor courage. 

General Miranda reached the shores of Caraccas in the 
end of 1810, notwithstandmg the instructions given by 
the junta suprema to their deputies, sent to London, to 
oppose the return of the general to his native country. 
This opposition had not been dictated by motives of dis- 
like to Miranda ; it was the consequence of that moderate 
plan of conduct which the junta had adopted towards 
Spain. General Miranda's repeated attempts to free Ter- 
ra Firma from subjection to the Spaniards were well 
known, and his appearance in Caraccas with the wish of 
the government, would'have been in contradiction to the 
principles laid down by it. 

The meeting of the general congress was soon to take 
place. The election had been made in Venezuela accord- 
ing to the regulations of the supreme junta. These regu- 
lations prescribed the method which was to be pursued in 
ascertaining the population ; how the electoral colleges 
were to be formed ; and the number of deputies, which 
were to be elected according to the population ; one for 
every 20,000 persons. Near fifty deputies were in con- 
sequence nominated, who commenced their sessions oh 
the 2d of March, 1811. 

Previous to this meeting, the junta had named a com- 
mittee, consisting of Don F. X. Ustariz, Don Fermin 
Paul, General Miranda, Don J. Roscio, and others, 
the object of which was to form a constitution. The 
plan of this constitution was to be in readiness to be sub- 
mitted to the consideration of the congress. The mem- 
bers of the committee met several times, with the excep- 



72 

lion of Miranda, and agreed in forming tbe^lan of a pro- 
visional confederailon ; a confederation, according to 
theai, beiiig the best sort of government for Venezuela. 
General Miranda was of a different opinion; and he, in 
consequence, sent to the committee a plan of that consti- 
tution which he had intended to present to Spanish Ame- 
rica, had he been successful in freeing Terra Firma, in 
1806. This plan had been formed for a more extensive 
tract of country than the limits of Venezuela, and it dif- 
fered very little from the Spanish colonial government. 

This circumstance made to Miranda many enemies. 
From the beginning, his influence in public affairs was 
feared ; but the friends of independence had held his 
talents and virtues in the highest veneration, though many 
accused him of ambitious views, and cautioned their par- 
ty against being governed by his ideas. They could not 
understand that Venezuela might obtain independence 
without overturning every old institution, and resigning, 
every former custom. The distrust thus raised, soon 
pervaded Venezuela and New Grenada ; and, notwith- 
standing Miranda's respectability, and that of his friends, 
these last were not able to obtain an election for him as 
member of the congress, excepting in the insignificant 
department of Araguita, in Barcelona. 

In the month of April, 1811, the congress nominated 
three persons, who were to enforce the laws, under the 
appellation o( executive power. Their power, however, 
was very limited, for, according to the opinion of the 
congress, the greatest precaution was necessary to pre- 
vent the executive power from encroaching on the rights 
of the people. 

There was a considerable party in the congress desi- 
rous of a reunion with the mother country ; but they 
dared not declare this desire, so earnest was the people 
of Caraccas for independence ; and that party in the con- 



73 

gress which supported the wishes of the people was most 
numerous. In order to give strength to the partisans of 
the patriotic cause, General Miranda proposed that a club 
should be established, where the citizens might meet to 
discuss questions concerning the general welfare, in a 
private manner. In this Miranda was seconded by a 
lawyer of great learning, Don Francisco Espejo ; and 
the club was established under the denomination of socie- 
dad patriotica. 

The anniversary of the revolution was on the 19th 
April ; and the people of Caraccas prepared to evince 
the high estimation in which they held the blessings they 
thought they had obtained for themselves and for their 
posterity on that memorable day. Rejoicings were uni- 
versal in the city. After service in the churches was 
performed, the inhabitants all appeared in the streets, 
suitably and elegantly dressed, wearing in their hats 
cockades of blue, red, and yellow ribands. Bands of 
music, followed by dancers, paraded the city, singing 
patriotic airs ; and the members of the sociedad patrioti' 
ca marched in procession through many of the principal 
streets, bearing ensigns app opriate to this festival. The 
most respectable persons of Caraccas joined in the uni- 
versal rejoicings ; and many parties of Indians from 
the environs, were seen on this occasion, playing an^ 
dancing, according to their custom, displaying more sim- 
plicity than grace. Joy was painted on every counte> 
nance, and the mutual congratulations were warmly ex- 
pressive of happiness. Night came on, and the scene 
was varied : Caraccas was illuminated from one end of 
the city to the other : the public buildings and manj- 
private houses displayed particular taste in the choice of 
transparent emblems and inscriptions : bands of music 
continued filling the air with melodious sounds ; and the 
joy of the inhabitants seemed to increase as the heat of 
7 



u 

the day declined. Small theatres were erected in differ- 
ent parts of the town, which served the people as rest- 
ing places, and where they were amused with songs, 
farces, &c. The entertainments were prolonged till a 
very late hour; and when they ended, the minds of all 
were elated with the most pleasing enthusiasm. 

The satisfaction of the people was, however, tran- 
sient : a kind of palsy appeared to pervade the govern- 
ment, which wanted energy to promote the prosperity of 
the country ; and the congress was doubtful as to the 
phn of policy it ought to follow. The Spaniards had 
already, on different occasions, endeavoured to over- 
throw the new government, and this contented itself with 
merely banishing the disaffected, or with imprisoning 
those who appeared most dangerous among them. 

A most alarming conspiracy was on the eve of break- 
ing out in the month of June, 1811, when confidence in 
the energy of the government had diminished, and the 
enthusiasm of the people was declining. The partisans 
of independence seized this opportunity ; the meetings 
of the sociedad patriotica became more frequent ; and the 
leading opinion was, '* that a declaration of complete in- 
dependence was the only measure that could save the 
country from impending ruin.'' The people of Carac- 
cas, composed chiefly of mulattoes, listened with interest 
to the arguments which pointed out to them the means of 
obtaining political consequence. At last, some members 
of the congress made a motion for discussing the propo- 
sition of declaring Venezuela independent of Spain, and, 
after many debates, this was carried on the 6th of July, 
1811. 

The conspirators were now disconcerted, but the con- 
spiracy was not destroyed, of which government receiv- 
ed secret intelligence, and, in consequence, the principal 
persons suspected were arrested. Yet, notwithstanding^ 



75 

this precaution, the remainder of the disaflfected began to 
assemble in that part of the city called Los-teques, on the 
11th of July, at three o'clock, P. M. Their plan was to 
begin by taking possession of the principal barrack, into 
which they expected to obtain admission by one of the 
gates, which a Spanish sergeant in the service of the new 
government had promised to keep open : they determin- 
ed, when in possession of that place, which was at the 
same time a repository for arms and ammunition, to attack 
the town, in which some hundreds of the conspirators 
were concealed, and whose operations were to begin 
when the first firing of cannon at the barracks was heard. 
Those who possessed the executive power, as well as 
some of the members of the congress, were to have been 
executed on the same day, and the remaining members 
of the congress sent to Spain. . 

The accustomed measures on such occasioris wev^ 
taken, to overthrow the attempts of the disafifected ; but 
there were many Spaniards among the troops whose at- 
tachment to the new order of things could not be confided 
in. In this dilemma it was thought expedient to discover 
to some of the friends of the government, all the extent 
of their peril ; and thus were the people of Caraccas 
awakened to a sense of their danger on the above-men- 
tioned day. As soon as the conspirators were seen 
uniting in arms at Los-teques, the people opposed them^ 
and after some resistance they were overcome and im- 
prisoned. 

On the day preceding this event, the Spaniards resid- 
ing at Valencia, thirty-eight leagues from Caraccas, in the 
interior of the country, assembled in considerable num- 
bers, and got into the barracks of the town, which was 
garrisoned by but few troops. The inhabitants were 
discontented with the congress, because it had opposed 
their desire of separating from Caraccas, and of forming 



76 

a new province : they, in consequence, joined the con- 
spirators. Troops were immediately embodied, and 
armed with guns, which the Spaniards had privately in- 
troduced into the town ; and Valencia prepared to repel 
the attacks of the government of Caraccas. 

The situation of the government was now perplexing* 
Many of the conspirators had been taken in(o custody, 
but they refused to discover their accomplices, who, 
being very numerous, they expected would have power 
!o rescu€ them. To attack immediately the town of Va- 
lencia, was the step best calculated to stop the evil ; but 
troops were required in Caraccas for its own protection. 
The government determined, therefore, to call the citi- 
zens to arms ; and sent General Toro against Valencia. 
Ten of the conspirators were in the mean time tried and 
put to death ; and the heads of these unfortunate men 
Were placed on poles at the entrance of the city, accord- 
ing to the sentence of the judges ; who thus proved that 
the effects of the political changes in Venezuela did not 
extend their influence to the abolition of those shocking 
exhibitions of public vengeance. 

There are near Valencia two hills which command the 
road— £^ Pico de Mariara and El Morro de Valencia. 
The royalists fortified both; and General Toro, in his 
way to Valencia, attacked El Pico de Mariara. Not- 
withstanding the opposition he met with, which was very 
great, the pass was forced, though with the loss of many 
more men to the patriots than could have been expected. 
The government, doubtful of the Marquis del Toro's mi- 
litary skill, appointed General Miranda his successor, who 
by this appointment regained a part of his lost influence. 
Miranda forced the pass of the Morro de Valencia, and 
stormed the town, which, after a slight resistance, yield- 
ed ; some of the royalists still sheltering themselves in 
that barrack called de ks pardos. The independents 



,77 

were several times repulsed in attacking this barrack, and 
suffered great losses. When the Spaniards knew of the 
resistance they met with they began to fire on the troops 
of Caraccas through the windows, from the towers of the 
churches, from the monasteries, and from the tops of the 
houses. Many officers, among whom was Brigadier del 
Toro, had been severely wounded ; and the troops began 
to feel dismay. A retreat was then sounded, and Miran- 
da retired to Mariara, four leagues from the town, on the 
road to Caraccas. 

The independents received a reinforcement, and in the 
following August Valencia was again stormed and con- 
quered. Miranda proposed then to invade the territory 
of Coro with four thousand men whom he then command- 
ed, and the government willingly agreed to his propo- 
sals ; but his enemies, whom his last triumphs had irritat- 
ed, tried e%'ery means to oppose his plan, in which they 
were seconded by the congress. 

The congress now turned its attention to that new coa^ 
stitution which was to ensure the liberty of Venezuela. 
The plan of this constitution had been formed by Don F. 
X. Ustariz. He, and many others of the greatest respect- 
ability, had intimated from the first their opinion, that m 
case of a final separation from Spain, the best form of go- 
vernment to be established in Venezuela was a federal 
one, of which the United States of America gave an 
example. In order to disseminate this opinion, essays 
were inserted in the Caraccas Gazette for many sueces= 
sive months, solely to prove the advantages resulting from 
this constitution of the North Americans. These essays 
were written by one Burke, an Irishman, well acquaint- 
ed with the principles of the English and American con» 
stitutions. Don F. X. Ustariz and Don J. Roscio carried 
on a correspondence with many individuals of Santa Fe 
de Bogota, and of the interior of Venezuela, on the same 



78 

subjecit, which seemed to interest every one. Enthusiasm 
in favour of a federal constitution extended even to New 
Grenada ; and the hopes of attaining a degree of prospe- 
rity equal to that enjoyed by the North Americans under 
the fostering care of their government silenced every ar- 
gument in favour of any other constitution, though one 
might have been formed better adapted to the customs 
and characters of the South Americans. 

After many months of continued debates, the repre- 
sentatives of Venezuela oflfered, for the approbation of 
the people, on the 23d of December, 1811, the promised 
constitution. It formed a volume divided into nine chap- 
ters. In the first, the Roman catholic religion is proposed 
as that of the state. In the second, it is proposed that 
the general congress should be divided into two houses— 
that of the representatives and the senate ; to be jointly 
invested with the power of declaring war, making peace, 
raising armies, kc. ; the election of the representatives to 
be made by electoral colleges, and that of the senate by 
the provincial legislatures. The third chapter treats of 
the executive power., which was to be confided to three 
prisons to he ehosen hy the electoral colleges ; and these 
persons, were to be invested with power to nominate ge- 
nerals for the army, and to appoint officers to whom the 
administration and collection of the public revenue were 
to be intrusted, &c. The fourth chapter describes a su- 
preme court of justice, which was to decide on civil and 
criminal questions in matters concerning the federal com- 
pacts ; likewise the establishmeat of trial by jury, &c. 
The fifth determines the limits of the provincial authori- 
ties, the mutual guarantee of the provinces to each other ; 
and that Guayana and Maracaybo should be admitted into 
the federation as soon as they were free from Spain. 
The sixth and seventh propose that the constitution should 
^e revised, aad receive the sanction of the people^ Ti^ 



79 

eighth declares the sovereigntj of the people> the rights 
of man in society ; that foreigners of any nation whatever 
should be admitted into Venezuela, provided they would 
respect the national religion ; that the use of torture 
should be abolished, &c. The ninth and last, is devoted 
to general subjects; treats of promoting the civilization 
of the Indians, and of declaring the mulattoes and pardos 
eligible to any employment whatever in the state ; like- 
wise of confirming the abolition of the slave-trade, as 
decreed by the supreme junta of Caraccas, on the 14th 
of July, 1810. 

In imitation of the United States of America, the con- 
gress set apart a territory, in which the authorities of the 
confederation were to reside : the town of Valencia was 
fixed upon, and the congress there held its sessions in 
the beginning of March, 1812. 

All prospered in Venezuela at that time ; the govern- 
ment was respected ; the military force sufiicient to sup- 
port it ; and the public mind was unanimous. Com- 
merce was in some degree flourishing, and Venezuela, 
wishing particularly to promote that with England, a re- 
duction of four per cent, was made in the custom-house 
duties in favour of English manufactures. Three thou- 
sand men, under the command of General Moreno, were 
on the banks of the Orenocco, ready to cross that river, 
and to attack the royalists in the city of Guayana or An- 
gostura, whose inhabitants had, on many occasions, 
evinced their .' 'nation in favour of the new govern- 
ment, ^ -^ ' e checked by the Spaniards from publicly 
dec^iing t^is inclination. Colonel Xalon, with one bat- 
talion of good troops, was stationed at Barquisiraeto, sup- 
posing the royalists of Coro might attempt an attack on 
that side. But, alas ! shwt in Venezuela was the posses- 
sion of this prosperity ! 

On the 26tb of March, } 8 12,^ between fouE and fv^f^ 



80 

P. M. Venezuela was visited by one of those tremendous 
earthquakes which from time to time ruin whole pro- 
vinces. During a minute and fifteen seconds, the earth 
lyas convulsed in every direction, and nearly twenty 
thousand persons fell victims. The towns of Caraccas, 
La Guayra, Mayquetia, Merida, and Sanfelipe, were 
totally destroyed. Barquisimeto, Valencia, La Vittoria, 
and others, suflfered considerably. This catastrophe 
happened on Holy Thursday, a day when every Chris- 
tian church peculiarly commemorates the sufferings of 
our blessed Redeemer, and at the very hour when the 
people were crowding into the churches to attend the 
processions which are usual in Roman Catholic countries, 
and to see the representation of our Saviour led to the 
cross. Troops are placed on such occasions at the en- 
trance of the churches, to follow the procession ; and 
many churches, and the principal barracks at Caraccas, 
being thrown down, there was a considerable number of 
soldiers killed, and many thousand persons crushed under 
their ruins. The arms and ammunition destined for the 
defence of the country, were buried in a similar manner j 
and what was worse, an unconquerable enemy to the in- 
dependence of Venezuela seemed to raise its head from 
among the ruins— that religious prejudice which the 
earthquake inspired. 

In an era less remarkable, a mere convulsion of nature 
would have had no influence on a new government ; but, 
notwithstanding the prosperity Vei^^ the then enjoyed, 
the seeds of discontent had fallen on OEivbyljtffj of the 
community. The principles which formed hle^ '^A'^ab of 
the new constitution were democratical, and it had bfcfcu 
necessary to deprive the clergy of some of their privileges, 
which of course created enmity in their minds to the 
present government. Immediately after the earthquake^ 
the priests proclainjed that the^ idmighty condemned the-- 



81 

revolution, and they denounced his wrath on all who fa- 
voured it. They construed into a manifestation of the 
divine displeasure the occurrence of the earthqirake on 
Holy Thursday, because the revolution had commenced 
on that festival ; although it was not the anniversary, for 
this feast is moveable, and is celebrated on a dififerent 
day every year. They made the people fancy that hell 
was opening to swallow them. 

Such was the eflfect at this time of religfous entbusf- 
asm ! Unprejudiced persons were undoubtedly not of the 
number; but these were iew^ compared with the host 
they had to resist ; which, availing itself of the general 
consternation, biassed the publix; opinion in favour of the 
Spanish government. 

It happened besides, that the royalists of Coro, wish- 
ing to divert the operations of the forces destined against 
Guayana, attacked the republican troops which defended 
the frontiers, and, having gained considerable advantage^ 
got possession of Carora the day before the earthquake. 
The troops stationed at Barquisimeto were preparing ta 
march under Xalon to attack the royalists at the hour the 
earthquake took place ; and the barracks being thrown 
down, the greater part of the soldiers were buried under 
the ruins, and their commander severely wounded. 

All these sources of public calamity w^s^^ aggravated 
by the deficit in the public treasury. The new govern- 
ment had raised an army, increased the number of pub- 
lic appointments, defrayed the expenses of two military 
expeditions, and established a manufactory of guns, a 
mint, &c., when, at the same time, some of the channels 
on which the revenue of the state depended were cut 
off by the abolition of the alcabala, &c. The congress 
had been in consequence obliged to make one million of 
paper money, which was now in circulation, and which 
was regularly received in payment^ though with cortsi- 



82 

aerablc discredit, since the earthquake. From that timfe 
confidence in the stability of the government declined, 
and to continue the paper money in currency, severe pe- 
nalties were enacted for refusing it in payment. 

The congress was sensible that the danger required 
tlie strongest measures, and resorted to those usually prac* 
tised in critical periods of republics, adding dictatorial to 
executive power ; and it adjourned its sessions, that its 
members might serve in the army or return to their 
homes, in order to give energy in the provinces to a dis- 
pirited people. The command of the army was given to 
General Miranda, who was empowered to act in all 
things as he judged best for the good of the country ; and 
he marched to meet the enemy at the head of 2,000 men, 
armed with the few guns that had been rescued from the 
ruins after the earthquake. 

General Monteverde, who commanded the royalists, 
proceeded from Carora to Barquisimeto, of which he took 
possession without any opposition ; and there his army 
received considerable reinforcements, for the inhabitants 
were eager to enrol under his banners. Araure was the 
next place to be attacked in the way to Caraccas, and in 
that town there was a detachment stationed under Colo- 
nel F. P^bcio-&ojo ; but his troops having refused to fight, 
thp_coloneli*A^- taken prisoner, and the place became an 
easy conquest* 

Near Araure begin those immense plains which form 
part of the province of Caraccas and that of Barinas, from 
whence the towns situate on the mountainous part of Ve- 
nezuela receive supplies of cattle. Monteverde, conscious 
pf the importance of possessing them, sent troops to in- 
vade Barinas, and with the principal strength of bis army 
attacked San Carlos, which was defended by M. Carrabano. 
fSan Carlos made a vigorous defence j but the cavalry of 



83 

the independents having passed over to the enemy, victo- 
ry was decided in lavour of the royalists. 

It is necessary to know the considerable distances which 
separate the capitals of the provinces of Venezuela frorti 
each other, the bad state of the roads, and the scattered 
population, to form an idea of the difl5culties the govern- 
ment had to overcome to raise an army sufficiently nume- 
rous to stay the progress of an enemy which was advancing 
rapidly, led on by religious enthusiasm, and encouraged 
by the confusion naturally resulting from the present con- 
sternation. Could the army which was fighting against 
Guayana have been opposed to Monteverde, he must have 
been compelled to retreat ; but it was too distant to be 
employed against him, and had besides participated m the 
effects of that concatenation of events which was destined 
to overthrow the republic of Venezuela. 

The provinces of Barinas, Cumana, and Caraccas had 
sent the troops above mentioned against Guayana. The 
naval force of the independents, which was to protect the 
crossing of the Orenocco, suffered some loss in the engage- 
ment which took place on the 25th of March ; but, not- 
withstanding this check, part of the troops passed overou 
the other side, and might have taken possession of Guay- 
ana, had not intelligence received of the victories of Mon- 
teverde dispirited them, occasioning at the same time de- 
sertion in the troops, and irresolution in their leaders. 

The republican troops evacuated Valencia, and Miran- 
da concentrated his forces in the pass called La Cabrera, 
near the lake Tacarigua, or Laguna de Valencia. La Ca- 
brera is a narrow pass through which is continued the 
high road. After the loss of San Carlos and the evacua- 
tion of Valencia, this was unquestionably the best spot to 
oppose and prevent an enemy from invading Caraccas oti 
the western side : but the inhabitants of that country de- 
claring for the royalists, they discovered to Monteverde 



84 

an unknown footpath, which, though with difBculty, ena- 
bled his troops to avoid the defi!e of La Cabrera. Miranda 
in consequence retreated to La Vittoria, sixteen leagues 
from Caraccas, between the banks of the river Aragua, 
and the vaiky watered by the river Tuy. The royalists 
followed the rear of the independent army, which they 
attacked most vigorously at the end of June, but were 
repulsed with considerable loss. 

Miranda's judicious conduct was beginning to r-estore 
order at Caraccas, and discipline in the army, when the 
Spaniards who were prisoners in the castle at Puerto Ca- 
bello, by the treachery t)f the officer on guard, took pos- 
session of this fort. Colonel Simon Bolivar, who was the 
commander of the town, Judging it impossible to storm 
the fort without risking the destruction of the town, should 
he attempt to make a desperate attack, embarked for La 
Guayra with his officers. The intelligence of the loss of 
Puerto Cabello reached the army on the 6th of July, when 
they were celebrating the anniversar}'^ of the independ- 
ence of Venezuela, and greatly discouraged the people. 
The enemy found in Puerto Cabello considerable quanti- 
ties of ammunition, of which they were in want; and the 
communication was now opened by sea wilh Coro and 
Puerto Rico, from whence the army received supplies, 
which till then had been brought by land, for more than 
one hundred and fifty leagues. 

General Miranda perceived that desertion to the ene- 
my had begun to take place ; the country which furnish- 
ed Caraccas wilh cattle was in the hands of the royalists; 
the republican troops were few compared with those of 
Monte verde, and besides were badly armed ; the earth- 
quakes, which still continued at intervals, kept alive the 
sentiments of fear they , had excited. The Spaniards at 
Caraccas and La Guayra were so much dthposed to re- 
voitj that it had been necessary to put them under ariest. 



^5 

What of the town the catastrophe of the 26th of March 
had spared, the enemy would have destroyed, had Ca- 
raccas been taken by storm. Under these circumstances, 
Miranda, with the approbation of the executive power, 
proposed a capitulation ; the terms of capitulation were 
agreed upon between Monteverde and Don J. Sata-y-bu- 
sy, and others appointed by Miranda ; they were* signed 
and ratified ; and the following were the articles : 

*' 1st. That the constitution offered by the cortes to the 
Spanish nation was to be established in Caraccas. 

'* 2dly. That no one was to suffer for former opinions, 

" 3dly, That all private property was to be held sa- 
cred. 

" 4thly. That emigration was to be permitted to those 
who wished to quit Venezuela." 

C.Haccas fell in consequence into the power of the 
royalists ; the republican army was disbanded ; and Mi- 
randa, with many others, proceeded to La Guayra, in- 
tending there to embark for Carthagena, The conduct 
of some of his countrymen towards Miranda was marked 
with ingratitude. Don M. Casas, military commandant 
of La Guayra, ordered him to be arrested, thinking, by 
adopting this measure, to get into favour with Monteverde. 
General Miranda, with nearly a thousand patriots, was 
thrown into dungeons at La Guayra and at Puerto Cabel- 
lo. Many were sent to Puerto Rico, and Don J. Cortes 
Madariaga, J. Roscio, J. Ayala, and J. Castillo, South 
Americans, Ysnardi, Ruiz, Mires, and Barrosa, Spaniards, 
in the service of the republic, were likewise sent to Ca- 
diz, These patriots were condemned by the cortes to 
an imprisonment, without any li^iitation of time, at Ceu- 
ta, from whence the South Americans escaped to Gibral- 
tar, in the beginning of 1814. The governor of that 
place, however, delivered them to the Spaniards ; and it 
was only in the middle of last year that, from the gene- 
8 



86 

rous remonstrances of the English government to the 
court of Madrid, they obtained their release. The four 
Spaniards still drag on a wretched existence at Ceuta. 

In consequence of this capitulation, Cumana and Bar- 
celona acknowledged the authority of Monteverde ; and 
as if nothing were to be wanting to his glory, the expe- 
dition against Guayana completely failed. Almost at the 
same period of time the royalists of Maracaybo invaded 
and took possession of the departments of Merida and 
Truxillo, after repeatedly defeating, in the valley of Cucu- 
ta, the army which, under the command of Don J. A. 
Paredes, defended those territories. Thus the Spanish 
government resumed its authority in Venezuela, failing, 
however, in the most dishonourable manner, in every ar- 
ticle of the treaty of capitulation, which had alone given 
to its forces the quiet possession of those territories ai the 
end of August, 1812. 

Monteverde now possessed the power and the means of 
restoring peace, for the people anxiously desired rest 
after nearly two years of constant fatigue, to vj^hich they 
had been little accustomed. But, instead of benevolently 
availing himself of his power to restore peace, vengeance 
alone filled his mind. The Spaniards thought, by de- 
stroying the inhabitants of Venezuela, the first who had 
shaken off their yoke, to punish in them the insurrection 
of the whole southern continent. Every royalist became 
a public accuser, and the blackest crime of which a per- 
son could have been guilty was to have belonged to the 
lepublican party. Every prison was filled with patriots ; 
many other buildings were converted into prisons ; and it 
is said, v^rth some truth, that nearly the whole population 
was under confinement. These severe measures were 
tolerated by the regency of Spain, and Don Juan O'Dono- 
ju, minister of war, complains in his report, made to the 
cortes on the 2d of October, 1813, on the situation of 



87 



the Spanish celonies, '* of the indulgence that had beeii 
shown to the insurgents at Caraccas." 

This conduct of the royalists excited again the hatred 
of the inhabitants ; and the courage of the supporters ol 
independence was revived. Curnana was the province 
where the -late unfortunate transactions had been least 
fell, and having in consequence most power, was the ffirst 
that opposed the oppression of Monteverde. Don N. Ma- 
rin-, an active and courageous young man, rallied the 
discontented, and took the town of Maturin. He was 
there attacked by the Spaniards, who were repulsed. — 
Monteverde, commanding in person, made a second at- 
tack in ihe beginning of April, 1813, and was completely 
defeated. 

Don Simon Bolivar, one of the most distinguished na- 
tives of Caraccas, had obtained from the congress of New 
Grenada near six hundred men ; with these he felt confi- 
dent of being able to conquer the enemies of his country, 
and crossing the Andes on that side on which are situate 
the provinces of Tunja and Pamplona, approached the ri- 
ver Tachira, which is the boundary of New Grenada. 

As Bolivar is one of the most exalted characters which 
liave distinguished the revolution, I am vvilling to intro- 
duce him more particularly to the reader's acquaintance. 
Bolivar went to Spain in the early period of his youth, 
and obtained permission to travel in France and Italy. 
When the revolution of Caraccas commenced, he was 
commissioned, jointly with Don L. Lopez Mendez, by the 
supreme junta of Caraccas, to solicit the protection of the 
English for the new government. Bolivar, not approving 
the plan of policy adopted by the congress of Venezuela, 
lived in retirement after his return to Caraccas. The 
danger, however, that threatened his country after the 
earthquake, called him from his seclusion, and he was 
Jhen appointed by Miranda commandant at Puerto Qa- 



m 

bello ; which place was unfortunately lost while under his 
command. The capitulation concluded by Miranda was 
not approved by Bolivar ; and a short time after the royal- 
ists had entered Caraccas, he obtained by special favour 
a passport from Monteverde, and embarked for Curacoa. 
From this island Bolivar sailed for Carthagena, where he 
was intrusted with the command of one division of the 
troops. Having freed the banks of the river Magdalena 
from the power of the royalists, in 1812, he took the 
road to Ocana. At the same time he sent his second in 
command, Colonel Rivas, to Tunja, where the congress 
of New Grenada held its sessions, to ask for reinforce^ 
ments to enable him to penetrate into Venezuela, which 
Rivas obtained. 

Bolivar's little army took the royalists by surprise at 
Cucuta, and dispersed them ; from thence Colonel Nico- 
las Briceno, with some officers, was sent by him to Gua- 
dualito. There Brictno raised a squadron of cavalry, 
and invaded the province of Barinas, while Bolivar pos- 
sessed the department of Merida, after having defeated 
the royalists at La Grita. Briceno, was at last com^ 
pletely defeated by the Spaniards, and seven of his ofi&- 
cers and himself taken prisoners ; he was soon after exe- 
cuted by order of Tiscar, the governor of Barinas, and 
eight of the most respectable persons in that town were 
^hot, accused of having endeavoured to facilitate the en- 
terprise of Briceno. This conduct exasperated Bolivar, 
who till then had treated with humanity the Spanish 
prisoners of war. Enraged at seeing men who were 
fighting for their freedom treated like brute beasts, he re- 
solved to have recourse to retaliation, declaring that, in 
future, every prisoner that fell into his power should be 
given up to the resentment of the patriots. The war 
from this period was styled the war of death — la guerra 
a muerte. 



89 

Bolivar divided his army, which was increasing every 
day, into two corps, placing one under the conimand of 
Colonel Rivas. Both corps were directed towards the 
province of Caraccas, passing through the deparlnnent o{ 
Truxillo and the province pf Barinas. The royalists 
were beaten at Niquitao, Betijoque, Caraehe, Barquisi- 
meto, and Barinas, and lastly in Lostaguanes, '.vhere 
Monteverde had assembled his best troops. Monte- 
verde's cavalry, having passed over to the independents, 
decided the battle ; he then withdrew with tbe remnant 
of his forces to Puerto Cabello. Bolivar was rapidly 
advancing to Caraccas, where the inhabitants awaited 
him as their deliverer, when Fierro, the governor of the 
city, appointed by Monteverde during his absence, as- 
sembled a junta, composed of the audiencia, clergy, and 
the officers of the garrison ; and they agreed in sending 
commissioners with proposals of a capitulation to Bolivar. 
The commissioners found the general at La Vittoria, and 
although he was sure of entering Caraccas, which was. 
badly garrisoned, he accepted the proposed treaty. After 
the capitulation, he promised that no person should suffer 
for former attachment to the Spanish government, and 
that it should be allowed to any person to emigrate .from 
Venezuela, and to withdraw his property. 

But the governor of Caraccas, without waiting for the 
ratification of the treaty, embarked at La Guayra, carry- 
ing off all the treasure, public and private, that he could 
collect, and leaving at the mercy of the conqueror near 
fifteen hundred Spaniards, who had not the possibility of 
emigrating. The articles of the treaty were neverthe- 
less sent to the Captain-general Monteverde, at Puerto 
Cabello, who refused to accede to them, '* because it 
was derogatory to the dignity of the Spanish nation to 
treat with insurgents." 

Bolivar made his public entry into the city of Carac^ 
8* 



90 

cas on the 4lh of August, 1813, and no language can 
describe the affecting meeting of Bolivar's troops and the 
inhabitants of Caraccas : the unexpected rencounter of 
friends who had long been parted, and suffering in the 
same cause, can only give, an idea of the exultation and 
rapture of their embraces. The dungeons of La Guayra 
were thrown open, and those who had survived a year's 
confinement were restored to their country and friejids ; 
while the people, elated and shouting with joy, blessed 
their deliverer, at the sight of every individual who 
rushed from the prisons. Notwithstanding this state of 
popular ferment, none of the Spaniards were insulted j 
a universal feeling of gratitude and satisfaction filled the 
mind of every individual. 

The provinces which formed the republic of Venezuela 
were again in the power of the patriots ; the eastern part 
having obtained its freedom by Marino, and General 
Bolivar having secured the deliverance of the others. 
The town and fort of Puerto Cabello alone were in the 
possession of Monteverde, at the end of August, 1813. 
One of Bolivar's first acts was to send a flag of truce to 
Monteverde, offering to give up all the European Spa- 
niards in exchange for the Creole prisoners at Puerto 
Cabello, who wfere not so numerous as the Spaniards, 
Notwithstanding this disproportion, Monteverde obsti* 
nately persisted in refusing to treat with Bolivar. 

While his determination, however, on this subject was 
pending, Monteverde received from Spain about twelve 
hundred Spanish troops, and, thinking his forces suffi- 
ciently strong to act offensively, attacked the republicans 
at Agua-ca iente, but was completely defeated ; nearly 
all the Spaniards were killed or taken prisoners, and 
Monteverde himself was severely wounded. The rem- 
nant of his troops returned to Puerto Cabello, Salomon 



91 

baving taken the command of them in consequence of 
Monteverde being wounded. 

Bolivay made the same generous offer to Salomon, 
which he had before done to Monteverde, of an exchange 
of prisoners. But Salomon, not contented with merely 
following the example of his predecessor in refusing the 
exchange, seized even the one charged by Bolivar with 
the flag of truce, loaded him with fetters, and imprison- 
ed him in the fortress of Puerto Cabello. This unfortu- 
nate man was a priest, Don Salvador Garcia, remarkable 
for the urbanity of his manners, and the purity of his 
conduct. Istueta, the successor of Salomon, went still 
further : to prevent the besiegers from firing on his line, 
he placed the South American prisoners exposed to their 
batteries, and, in the night, they were thrown into pon- 
toons, where nearly fifty at one time died by suffocation. 
The besiegers, wishing to retaliate, exposed the Spa- 
nish prisoners before their line of battle. The Spaniards 
then conducted four American prisoners in front of the 
encampment of the patriots, and there publicly shot 
them. The names of these distinguished patriots were 
Pellin, Osorio, Pointet, and the generous Manuel Pulido, 
in the highest degree worthy the respect and esteem of 
all his countrymen. This necessarily closed all further 
communication between the contending parties.* 

Bolivar continued the siege of Puerto Cabello by sea 
and land, giving the command of the besiegers to the 
young d'Eluyar. The greater part of the town soon fell 
into the possession of the independents, and the fortress 
remained the only refuge of the Spaniards. The garrison 
was small, it wanted provisions, and from the damp soil, 
the soldiers became dropsical ; but still they would not 

* Vide General Bolivar's letter to General Hodgson, governor 
«f Curacoa, published in Waltoa's Expos^, 



dH 



listen to terms of capitulation. Perseverance is undoubt- 
edly one of the strong characteristics of the Spanish nation. 
The Spaniard, though born and nurtured in a mild cli- 
mate, still possesses an unbending haughtiness of spirit. 
He is slow in action, but firmness overcomes his indo- 
lence ; and though he may sometimes yield to persua- 
sion, seldom is he overcome by force. It is of little con- 
sequence that the Spaniards are heartily detested in 
America; that their navy. and finances are in a state of 
ruin ; that they only rule over the country they ac- 
tually occupy ; they have sworn again to subdue this ex- 
tensive continent; and though they may never succeed, 
with difficulty will the Spanish government acknowledge 
the independence of the settlements they once possessed. 
Even long hence, though the Americans may have effec- 
tually shaken off their y<»ke, it appears probable that 
the Spanish nation will still be sending expeditions, with 
the hope of again bringing them into subjection. 

Puerto Cabello, though closely besieged, still held out. 
The situation of this fortress is so advantageous, the am- 
munition was so abundant, and the royalists were so firm 
in resistance, that the loss of men, to take it by storm, 
would have been incalculable, which Bolivar would ne- 
ver consent to. 

The royalists of Coro having been reinforced with 
some troops from Puerto Rico, sallied out of the town 
under the command of Ceballos, and, penetrating into 
the territory of Caraccas, engaged and defeated a body 
of republicans at Barquisimeto, on the 10th of November. 
Bolivar came into the field with confidence,. and routed 
the royalists in Vigirima, Barbula, and Araure; on the 
5th of December. The battle of Barbula cost the patri- 
ots dear, for there they lost the young Girardot, whose 
valour had already distinguished him in the fields of Pa- 
lace^ of Cucuta, of Taguanes in Venezuela, and of Bogo- 



93 

ta in New Grenada. General Bolivar, then named El 
Libertador de Venezuela^ ordered an annual mourning in 
consideration of this sad loss ; and a pension was assigned 
to the family of Girardot for ever. One battalion of thq 
independent troops, which had behaved with a degree of 
cowardice in the engagement at Barquisimeto, was de** 
prived of their muskets by Boiivar ; but, by their valour 
and good conduct in the battle of Arau re, where, although 
armed only with pikes, they took muskets from the ene- 
my they had slain, they restored their tarnished glory. 

Bolivar, in invading Venezuela under the protection of 
the congress of New Grenada, had received orders to re- 
instate the republican congress, which, nevertheless, he 
did not think it advisable to do. The country was, from 
the period that Caraccas was in the possession of the in- 
dependents, under a military government ; and though 
Bolivar never improperly availed himself of the power he 
possessed, this could not always be said of his inferior 
officers. The very best military government is insup- 
portable. The murmurs against it were general; and 
Bolivar was decided, that the authority he exercised 
should at least be legal. A general assembly was con- 
vened of the magistrates, ecclesiastical dignitaries, 'muni- 
cipality, colleges, board of trade, and all the proprietors 
of the land, on the 2d of January, 1814. Bolivar gave a 
general account of his intentions and operations in the in- 
vasion of Venezuela to the assembly, and then resigned 
the supreme authority he held. The governor of Carac- 
cas, Don C. Hurtado de Mendoza, one of the firmest sup- 
porters of the independent cause, addressed the assembly, 
showing the necessity of leaving the supreme command 
of Venezuela in the hands of Bolivar, until the Spaniards 
who were acting against Venezuela should be completely 
subdued ; intimating, however, that it appertained to the 
congress of New Grenada to form a constitution for Vene- 



94 

zuela. Don J. A. Rodriguez, president of the munici- 
pality, spoke on the subject ; he was again supported by 
Don D. Alzuru. The assembly agreed in the proposal 
©f the governor of Caraccas, and the Lihertador de Vene- 
suela was invested with dictatorial power till the reunion 
of the provinces of Venezuela to those of New Grenada, 
under the same representative form of government. 

The Spaniards, not being able to subdue Venezuela, 
formed the plan of destroying it. The royal chiefs at 
Puerto Cabello, and the Spanish governor of Guayana, 
resolved to raise the slaves in rebellion against their mas- 
ters. To accomplish this scheme, many partisans of the 
Spanish government were sent into the interior of the 
country. The most obnoxious of these emissaries were 
5oves, Yanez, Rosette, Puy, and Palomo. The first 
were Spaniards, the last a negro, who had been long out- 
lawed for being a robber and an assassin. Boves and 
Rosette received supplies of arms and ammunition from 
the governor of Guayana, and were enabled to carry their 
plan into effect in the eastern part of the province of Ca- 
raccas. Puy and Palomo received assistance from Coro, 
Puerto Cabello, and Maracaybo ; and the western part of 
the province of Caraccas, Barinas. Merida, and Truxillo, 
they fixed upon for their field of action. These sup- 
porters of the royal cause regularly corresponded with 
Spanish chiefs of the above-mentioned places. Some of 
the correspondence was published in the Caraccas Ga- 
zette ; and by the papers and despatches that fell into 
Bolivar's hands the whole plan was developed. 

In giving freedom to the slaves, whose number amount- 
ed in Venezuela to seventy thousand ; in fi)rming into a 
corps all vagabonds, which, in a country thinly peopled, 
and which had been engaged in a war for three years, 
were numerous ; in promising to the dregs of the people 
the fortunes of the higher class ; a body of men was easi- 



95 

}y raised, alarming both from its number and turbulency. 
Fuy and Palomo subdued by their means Barinas, Gua- 
nare, and other towns ; and the ferocity of their minds, 
as well as the spirit of their men, may be estimated by 
the following anecdote : After the battle of Araure, in 
which Cevallos was beaten, a division of Bolivar's army 
Hiarched to Barinas, where Puy had retired, trembling for 
his own life, and having ordered five hundred and seven- 
ty-four persons to be arrested, whom he considered as dis- 
affected. Five hundred of them were shot without any 
form of triaU when one of Puy's aides-du-camp gave the 
alarm, asserting that the republicans were approaching the 
town. Puy asked anxiously, *' Have we not time to ex- 
ecute the seventy-four remaining prisoners ?" The aide- 
du-camp answered, JVo : and they were thus saved. Some 
time after, the republicans evacuated Barinas ; and Puy 
entered, spreading desolation around him, and making a 
general massacre of its inhabitants. 

Boves and Rosette marched from the banks of the Ore- 
nocco to the valleys of Tuy and Aragua. Death seemed 
to stalk before them, marking their steps with blood. A 
reader will now scarcely believe what the newspapers ia 
Venezuela and the adjoining islands, as well as the private 
letters, asserted at that period — that in an extent of country 
of four hundred miles, which they marched over from the 
Orenocco to the environs of Caraccas, they did not spare 
one human being, but slaughtered all who did not join 
them. Employing these means of terror, they contrived 
to draw tx)gether eight thousand men, only fifty of whom 
were Europeans or Canarians, a few men of colour, and 
the remaining number slaves ; and they overcame, in the 
most desperate manner, every opposition they enccmnter- 
ed in their way. Boves took possession of La Vittoria, 
and Rosette of Ocumare ; the first town fourteen league© 
distant from Caraccas, the second at a distance of tea 



96 

i€agues. Yanez and Puy, having conquered Barinas, 
advanced to join Boves and Rosette in the beginning of 
February, 1814. At this juncture the Spanish prisoners 
at La Guayra and Caraccas, who amounted to nearly 
fourteen hundred, entered into a conspiracy against the 
government. Many Spaniards united themselves into a 
body, in the road between Caraccas and La Guayra, for 
the purpose of murdering travellers. Bolivar's troops 
were few compared with those of his opponents, and were 
scattered through the country ; it required uncommon 
exertion to save Caraccas from being overpowered by the 
slaves ; if the garrison of Caraccas and La Guayra were 
called into the field, every thing was to be feared from 
Ihe prisoners, who had lost all hopes of being exchanged, 
after the determination of the Spanish chiefs, of never en- 
tering into a treaty with insurgents. The massacre of 
many of the inhabitants of Ocumare, three of whom were 
murdered in the church, created much indignation in the 
uaind of Bolivar, who, thirsting with revenge, though 
x>verpowered with cares, did not know on which side to 
turn his attention. In one of these agonizing moments, 
in which his soul was first swayed by fear, then worked 
up to anger, he gave orders for the execution of the pri- 
soners, and, shocking to relate, eight hundred men were 
killed on this occasion. When the commandant at Puer- 
to Cabello was told of these . executions, all the South 
American prisoners at that place, amounting to some 
hundreds, were put to death. 

Bolivar again went into the field of battle, and obtained 
a signal victory over Boves at La Vittoria ; and Colonel 
Rivas defeated Rosette on the banks of the river Tuy ; 
and Yanez was killed at Ospinos. One third of the re- 
publican troops fell in these three engagements, in which 
the disproportion of the combatants was so conpiderable. 

Los Llanos, from whence the city of Caraccas was 



97 

supplied with horses, being possessed by the royalistgj 
Bolivar's cavalry was badly mounted ; and, after the 
battles of Tuy and La Vittoria, he was only able to pur- 
sue the enemy for a very few leagues. Boves and Rosette 
rallied their troops, and having received some rein- 
i<)rcements, again took the road to Caraccas. General 
Marino, who had marched from Cumana to the assistance 
of Bolivar, and had joined a division of troops command- 
ed by General Montilla, repulsed, with their united efforts^ 
the royalists at Bocachica. A few days before, a similar 
advantage had been gained by General Bolivar at Saft 
Mateo ; and these two victories restored freedom to Va- 
lencia, which had been besieged by Cevallos and Calza- 
4as, who commanded two divisions of the royal forces. 

The history of the revolution of Spanish America can- 
not fail to be read with interest, for it must record very 
many acts of heroic courage, as well as numberless proofs 
of the universal spirit of patriotism that prevails among 
the South Americans, notwithstanding their civil dissen- 
tions. An officer, whose family was among the most 
distinguished at Santa Fe de Bogota, was appointed to 
guard a powder magazine when San Mateo was attacked, 
the 25th of March, 1814. The royalists thought to take 
it by surprise while the armies were fighting at som^ dis- 
tance, and sent, for this purpose, a strong detachment of 
troops to attack the magazine. The young Ricaute 
having observed the movements of the enemy, saw the 
impossibility of resistance, and gave orders to his soldiers 
to join the army, asserting that he was sufficient alone for 
the defence of the magazine. The Spaniards surrounded 
it, and took possession of the building, and having disco- 
vered Ricaute, were just seizing him, when he set fire to 
the powder. The magazine was destroyed by an instan- 
taneous explosion, and he fell a victim to that inevitable 
death he had foreseen. 

9 



98 

After these losses Boves retired to Los Llanos, and Ce- 
Vallos to San Carlos, where General Marino pursued him ; 
but Marino having been repulsed on the 16th of April, 
he retreated to Valencia. Cagigal, who had been no- 
minated captain-general of Venezuela instead of Monte- 
verde, brought reinforcements from Coro, and uniting un- 
der his orders the troops commanded by Cevallos, Cal- 
zadas, and others, advanced to Valencia. The two 
armies halted at some distance from each other, ascertain- 
ed their strength on each side, and at length came to ac- 
tion on the plains of Carabobo, the 28th of May, 1814. 
They fought with fury ; on each side they made the 
greatest efforts for victory, which being obtained they 
thought would prove decisive. The advantage was on 
Ibe side of the patriots, and the royalists were routed and 
dispersed, leaving in the field a large store of arms and 
ammunition, and five hundred men dead, wounded or 
prisoners. 

Bolivar, considering himself secure in the possession of 
Venezuela, turned his attention to Coro and Los Llanos, 
where the enemy had fled ; hoping, by possessing these 
territories, to destroy the remaining hopes of the royalists, 
for it ^ was from thence they drew their resources. Ur- 
daneta marched against Coro at the head of five hundred 
men ; Marino proceeded to San Fernando, on the river 
Apure, in Barinas, with another division of nearly the 
same strength ; and the general in chief retained with 
himself the third part of the army, that he might be ena- 
bled effectually to oppose Boves, who had not been at 
the battle of Carabobo ; and who, with a numerous body 
of cavalry, was advancing against Bolivar. Had the roy- 
alists waited for the arrival of this corps, they might, pro- 
bably, have gained the last battle ; and had not Bolivar 
divided bis army, despising the forces of Boves, Boves's 



99 

cavalry would unquestionably have been conquered by 
the patriots' superiority of discipline. 

In a few days the three divisions of the republican 
army were separated many leagues from each other ; 
and Bolivar was attacked by Boves at La Puerta, a plain, 
nearly fifty leagues from Caraccas, near the town of Cura, 
and after many hours' fighting was compelled to abandon 
the field to Boves. Cagigal and Calzadas, having united 
some of their dispersed troops, attacked with success Ma- 
rino's division, which, being cut off from all intercourse 
with Caraccas, was obliged to retire to Cumana. When 
Urdaneta heard of these defeats, he was already too dis- 
tant to attempt to give any assistance to Caraccas ; h© 
therefore withdrew his troops to Cucuta on the frontiers 
of Santa Fe. 

From this time confusion reigned among the patriots, 
and there was no longer an array for the protection of 
Caraccas. Bolivar's military government had displeased 
the people, and the inhabitants of Los Llanos had openly- 
declared for the royalists, being enraged at the conduct 
of one of Bolivar's generals, Don J. Campo-Elias, who 
had put to death many of their countrymen, taken pri-. 
soners in a preceding engagement. The siege of Puerto 
Cabello was raised, and the troops embarked for Cuma- 
na, where Bolivar marched by land with the remnant of 
his army, and nearly the whole population of Caraccas, 
which was threatened with destruction. Boves advanced 
to Caraccas and La Guayra, which surrendered to him in 
the month of JuJy, 1814. The town of Valencia still held 
out, and the royalists laid siege to it : at length, when longer 
resistance became impossible, the garrison accepted a 
capitulation proposed by the besiegers. Being warned 
against the want of faith of the royalists, they desired 
that a solemn mass should be celebrated before the two 
armies, and that, before the host, an oath should be taken 



100 

bj the re^ralist general, engaging himself to cotnpTy reli- 
giously with the articles of the treaty. This being done, 
the town was delivered up to the royalists, and soon 
after the republican ofScers, and a great part of the sol- 
diers, were shot. Among them fell the eloquent Espejo, 
worthy indeed of a better fate ! 

Boves came up with the patriots' army in the province 
of Barcelona, engaged and defeated it at Araguita. Suc- 
cess no longer attended Bolivar ; his former good fortune 
had forsaken him ; and even the commander of his flo- 
lilJa, which protected the coast, refused to obey his or- 
ders. He considered all present hope of independence 
for his country lost, and, with a few of his chosen officers, 
WbQ wer§ mll'mg to partake his III fortune, he em- 
barked for Carthagena. Rivas and Bermudes, witb 
some few troops, separated from him, and marched to 
-Maturin, which was already famous by the campaign of 
General Marino. Maturin became in a very few days the 
rendezvous of the desperate patriots, who did not expect 
quarter from the royalists. They were there attacked 
hy Morales, and afterwards by Boves, who were both 
yepulsed with great slaughter. Rivas and Bermudes ob- 
tained considerable advantages in many other engage- 
ments, but the royalists had a superior force, and suc- 
ceeded at last in conquering them at Urica, on the 6th of 
December, 1814. Maturin then fell into the power of 
the royalists, who had, however, to deplore their favour- 
ite Boves. Rivas was taken prisoner and shot, and his 
head sent to Caraccas, and there publicly exhibited. 
Bermudes embarked with some troops for the island of 
La Margarita, where he supported the republican govern- 
ment, until an expedition from Spain, commanded by 
General Morillo, appeared on the coast of Venezuela. 
This expedition, consisting of ten thousand men, embark- 
ed at Cadiz in near fifty transport ships, which were prO' 



101 

tected by two frigates. They left near two thousand 
men in the different cities situate on the coast of Vene- 
zuela ;" and, having added some of the troops already in 
Caraccas, to the remaining part of the expedition, Mo - 
rillo quitted Puerto Cabello in the month of June, 1815, 
with the intent of besieging Carthagena. One of the 
frigates, the San Pedro Alcahtara, had been previously 
lost at Margarita. 

We have already said that Bolivar embarked for Car- 
thagena after the battle of Araguita. From Carthagena 
he proceeded to the town of Tunja, where the congress 
of New Grenada was sitting ; and he was commissioned 
by the congress to compel, by force, the city of Santa 
Fe de Bogota to acknowledge its authority. In this he 
succeeded ; after which, Bolivar was sent with three 
thousand men, to reduce to allegiance the province oC 
Santa Marta. In this attack Carthagena was to contri- 
bute troops and guns. Bolivar reached the town of 
Manpox, on the river Magdalena, and from thence in- 
formed the government of Carthagena of the demands of 
the congress. The military governor of Carthagena, 
Don M. Castillo, was Bolivar's personal enemy ; and 
his influence with the president of Carthagena was em- 
ployed to prevent the orders of the congress from being 
fulfilled, under pretence of Bolivar's ambitious views, 
and his sanguinary career in Venezuela. By these 
means the attack against Santa Marta was delaj^^ed ; and 
Bolivar mafched against Carthagena, hoping to be able 
to compel that government to obey the orders of the con- 
gress. A civil war now raged at Carthagena, and the 
royalists of Santa Marta profited of that moment to take 
possession of Mompox, and of many other places which 
the government had left in a defenceless state, in order to 
oppose Bolivar's attempt. In this juncture intelligence 
of the expedition from Spain reached Carthagena, and 
9* 



102 

Holivar gave up his plan, quitted the army, and hi^ 
ti'oops united to those of Carthagena to defend that city. 
The royalists entered Carthagena on the 6th of De- 
cember, nearly four months after the siege had begun ; 
but previous to this period, Bolivar, who had gone to 
Jamaica, planned to assist Carthagena by landing an ex- 
pedition on her shores. With this intent he embarked 
for Aux Cayes. The capture of Carthagena prevented 
the execution of his plan, and he again turned his atten- 
tion to' Venezuela. 

The haughty deportment of the Spaniards caused at 
Caraccas a secession from the army of many of the na- 
tive troops, who had at first been willing to fight under 
their banners ; and who, joining the soldiers who had dis- 
persed or were disbanded after the battle of Urica, formed 
diflferent corps of guerillas. After an obstinate war> 
which had lasted five years, and in which nearly all the 
population of Venezuela had taken part, whatever differ- 
ences of opinion had at first existed among them, they 
BOW united their strength for the cause of their country. 
The guerillas, commanded by Monagas, Piar, Roxas, 
Saraza, Llanos, and others, occupied the inland part of 
the provinces of Guayana, Cumana, Barcelona, Caraccas, 
and Barinas, harassing the Spanish detachments which 
occasionally pursued them, and which they often de- 
feated. 

Such was the state of Venezuela when Arismendi again 
raised the republican standard on the island of La Marga- 
yita : and having several times beaten the Spanish garri- 
son, took possession of a part of that island, at the same 
time that Carthagena was taken by Murillo. 

Stimulated by the hope of more flattering prospects, 
Bolivar planned an expedition which might assist the 
efforts of the patriots of Margarita ; and joining himself 
$0 Brion, a native of Curacoa, who had served in the 



103 

Venezuela flotilla, and had been naturalized as a citizen 
of Carlhaj^eiia for his services in that province, assembled 
the emigrants from Venezuela, and a part of the garrison 
which had evacuated Carthagena. Brion, being a man 
of property, as well as others who were attached to the 
patriots, defrayed the expenses thus incurred. As a re- 
ward, Brion was appointed commander of the maritime 
forces which were to be employed on this occasion. The 
maritime forces consisted of two ships of war and thirteen 
transports, most of them armed with guns, having near a 
thousand troops on board. They sailed from Aux Cayes 
at the end of March, 1816, and in the beginning of May 
they landed at La Margarita, having first taken two Spa- 
nish ships of war after a very bloody engagement, in 
which Brion was wounded. The Spaniards abandoned 
nearly the whole of the island, retaining only the fort- 
ress of Pampatar. 

From Margarita, Bolivar sailed for Carupano, about 
five leagues west of the town of Cumana, of which he dis- 
possessed the royalists ; and having armed many of the 
corps of guerillas who had advanced to join him, they 
sailed for Ocumare. Scarcely can a notion be formed of 
the rage of the Spaniards when they heard of Bolivar's 
success. To show what despair could urge them to, I 
will relate the following well-authenticated anecdote, 
copied from Captain Hardy's journal in the ship Mer- 
maid. 

"Cumana, 12th June, 18ie. 
" I witnessed the following barbarous act. A female 
©f a most respectable family in Cumana, having spokeQ 
against the Spanish government, and in favour of the 
patriotic party, was placed on an ass, led through the 
streets, attended by a guard of ten soldiers ; at the cor- 
oer of every street, and opposite the houses of her neares,! 



104 

connexions, she received a certain number of lashes on 
her bare back, nearly two hundred, the number she was 
sentenced to receive. The poor suff'erer was blindfolded, 
and bore the inhuman treatment with as much fortitude 
as was ever possibly exhibited on a similar occasion. Her 
cries were feeble, but 1 could discover, notwithstanding 
that a handkerchief concealed her face, her tears trickling 
down, 

** I saw but one dozen lashes inflicted. Some of my 
crew, who were on shore, saw the whole sentence put in 
execution. My feelings were too much shocked for cu- 
riosity even to overcome them. I made particular in- 
quiries respecting the unfortunate girl two days after, and 
was informed that she refused all food and medical as- 
sistance ; and in a few days after that, I heard that she 
was dead, being unable, from her exquisite feelings, to 
survive the disgrace and pain she had suffered." 

Between the ports of La Guayra and Puerto Cabello, 
are those of Choroni'and Ocumare, on the coast of Ca- 
raccas. Near these last ports there are many plantations 
of cocoa, sugar, indigo, &c. cultivated by the slaves. 
The plains of Aragua and Valencia are seven leagues 
distant from these plantations, from which they are se- 
parated by a branch of that part of the Andes which 
crosses Venezuela. Bolivar divided his army, which did 
not amount to a thousand soldiers, into two parts ; and 
landing the vanguard at Choroni, he proceeded to Ocu- 
mare, where he landed the remainder. Sir Gregor 
M'Gregor, who commanded the vanguard, took Maracay 
and La Cabrera, and was marching against La Vittoria, 
when Morales, commanding an array of royalists, arrived 
just in time to resist the patriots. He had been sent with 
troops to Venezuela by Moriilo, in consequence of in- 
telligence received of Bolivar's expedition. Morales, 
seeing Bohvar*s arnay separated by a distance of some 



105 

ieagues, attacked the rear-guard, which was commanded 
by Bolivar in person ; and, after a severe engagement, in 
which the patriots lost two hundred men, with their best 
officers, Bolivar was compelled to re-embark. Sir Gregor 
McGregor, in consequence of Bolivar's absence, changed 
the previous destination of the army, and took the road 
!o Barcelona by the plains. 

The following is Bolivar's proclamation, giving liberty 
?o the slaves, when he landed at Ocumare. 

" Head Quarters at Ocumare, 6th July, 1816. 

** Simon Bolivar, supreme chief of the republic, and 
captain-general of the armies of Venezuela, New Gre- 
nada, &c. to the inhabitants of the province of Caraccas. 

" An army, with artillery and a sufficient quantity of 
ammunition, as well as muskets, are now at my command 
to liberate you. Your tyrants shall be destroyed or ex- 
pelled, and you shall be restored to your rights, to your 
country, and to peace. 

" The war of death, carried on against us by our ene- 
mies, on our side shall cease. We will pardon those who 
may surrender, even though they be Spaniards. Those 
who serve the cause of Venezuela shall be considered as 
friends, and shall be employed according to their me- 
rit and abilities. Any troops appertaining to the enemy, 
which may come over to us, shall enjoy all the benefits 
tFie country can bestovv upon its benefactors. 

" No Spaniard shall be put to death, unless in battle. 
No American shall suffer the least injury for having joined 
the king's party, or for having committed acts of hostility 
against his fellow citizens. 

" That unhappy portion of our brethren which has 
groaned under the miseries of slavery is now set free. 
Nature, justice, and policy demand the emancipation of 
the slaves : henceforward there shall only be one class of 
people in Venezuela — all shall be citizens. 



106 

" After taking the capital, we will convene the repre* 
sentatives of the people in a general congress, that we 
may re-establish the governnnent of the republic. While 
we are on our march to Caraccas, General Marino, at the 
head of a numerous corps, shall attack Curaana. Gene- 
ral Piar, supported by General Roxas and Monagas, will 
then become master of the plains. Llanos will advance 
to Barcelona, while General Arismendi, with his victori- 
ous army, shall occupy Margarita. 

" SIMON BOLIVAR." 

Sir Gregor M'Gregor found himself in a situation of 
considerable danger after the defeat of Bolivar ; but this 
danger he overcame by the knowledge he acquired of 
the country, and the confidence with which he inspired 
his troops. 

Sir Gregor M'Gregor is a Scotchman ; he served in 
the English army in Portugal, and had been promoted to 
the rank of captain. In consequence of some misunder- 
standing with a superior officer, he quitted the army, and 
went to Caraccas in 1811. After the earthquake, he 
served in the cavalry of Venezuela, which in the engage- 
ment of Los Guayos suffered considerably under his com- 
mand. After Miranda's capitulation. Sir Gregor went to 
Carthagena, and from that time he has uniformly sup- 
ported the independent cause. 

The victorious royalists pursued him furiously after 
the defeat of Bolivar ; and such was their dependence 
on continued success, that they even sent official infor- 
mation to Caraccas, that M'Gregor was totally defeated, 
killed, and even the soldier was named who had spoiled 
him of his uniform in the field of battle. 

The army was now many hundred miles distant from 
Barcelona, from whence only it could expect support, 
and the royalists had despatched all their troops to effect 
its destruction ; nevertheless, the independents were sue- 



107 

cessful in repulsing Morales, in the battle of Alacran, and 
defeated him completely in ihe action of Juncal. These 
victories gave them possession of the 'town of Barcelona 
early in October, and communication became by this 
means opened between M'Gregor and the other generals, 
who were in the provinces of Cumana and Guayana. 

The Spaniards evacuated Pampatar on the 2d of No- 
vember, and the island of Margarita being, in conse- 
quence, completely free, General Arismendi disbanded 
part of his troops, and sailed to join the patriots in Bar- 
celona. Bolivar, who, after the defeat at Ocumare, had 
returned to Aux Cayes, sailed, bringing new reinforce- 
ments to Margarita, where he landed in December, 1816. 
There he published a proclamation, convoking the re- 
presentatives of Venezuela to a general congress, and 
went afterwards to Barcelona, where he organized a pro- 
visional government. In this place he was attacked by 
the royalists. Real and Morales, in the months of Februa- 
ry and March ; but he repulsed them with great loss. 
On the ilth of last April, Piar defeated the royal troops 
at Guayana, compelling them to shut themselves up in 
the fortress of Guayana la Vieja, and in the town of 
Angostura. Paez obtained likewise considerable ad- 
vantage in the battle fought near San Fernando de Apure, 
with the royalists, who, to the number of two thousand, 
were coming from Santa Fe, under the command of Gene- 
ral Morillo, to reinforce those of Caraccas. The patriots 
have, nevertheless, lost the town of Barcelona, on the 
7th of April, this year. The royalist force in Venezuela 
received an addition of sixteen hundred men from Spain,, 
in May last. 



108 



•CHAPTER II. 

Revolution in New Grenada. — Establishment of the junta 
in Santa Fe de Bogota. — Congress of deputies from the 
different provinces^ and the federal compacts. — Santa Fd 
refuses to enter into the confederation. — Civil war in 
consequence. — Peace being restored, JVarino marches 
mgainst the royalists. — Events of the war. — Proclama- 
iion of the congress to the provinces. — State of JVeW 
Grenada bejore the expedition of Morillo. — -Morilld's 
reports to the Spanish government, 

NEW Grenada comprehends the provinces situate be- 
tween Goatemalaj Venezuela, and Peru ; they are 
twenty-two in number — Pamplona, Casanare, Tunja, 
Socorro, Mariquita, Cundinamarca, Antioquia, Popayan, 
Neyva, Choco, Carthagena, Rio-hacha, Santa Marta, Pa- 
nama, Veraguas, Quito, Quixos, Maynas, Guayaquil, 
Cuenca, Loxa, and J^en. These provinces contain, in 
an extent of 67,000 square leagues, more than two mil- 
lions and a half of inhabitants. In Santa Fe de Bogota, 
which is the capital, there are nearly thirty-five thousand 
persons. 

When intelligence was received at Carthagena, from 
Spain, of the dispersion of the junta central, the munici- 
pality appointed two persons to act in concert with the 
governor, whose authority they wished to restram, in 
consequence of the critical state of the peninsula. The 
governor submitted for some time to the check imposed 
upon his authority, but he afterwards spurned all control ; 
sometimes he would not act conformably to the will of 
his associates, at othfeftimes he did not consult them. 
This conduct caused his overthrow, which the munici- 



109 

pality effected by giving the command of the province U> 
the second in command, Don N. Soria. The troop«J 
and people of Carthagena approved and supported this 
nomination^ The provinces of Socorro and Pamplona 
revolted against their corregidores, whose despotism grew 
every day more insupportable to them. These united 
events encouraged the inhabitants of Santa Fe to oppose 
the established government, for they were glad of any 
opportunity to renounce their allegiance to the Spanish 
authorities, and to establish a junta, which they did, 
composed of the most respectable persons of Santa Fdt 
The members of this junta were elected in a public 
meeting, cabildo abierto, assembled under the sanction of 
Don A. Amar. the viceroy, on the evening of the 20th of 
July, 1810. The junta acknowledged the superiority of 
the regency of Cadiz, and even chose the viceroy presi- 
dent ; but a few days afterwards they were alarmed by 
the report of an intended conspiracy, said to be forming 
by the viceroy and the audiencia. In consequence of 
this report, the viceroy, his lady, and almost all the mem- 
bers of the audiencia, were arrested, sent to Carthagena 
under an escort, and afterwards to Spain. The authority 
of the regency was now disowned, and the junta, by a 
manifesto, invited the provinces of New Grenada to send 
their deputies to Santa Fe de Bogota, that they might 
decide, in a general congress, what form of government 
should be established during the captivity of the king. 

The provinces ofTunja, Pamplona, Casanare, Cartha- 
gena, Socorro, Antioquia, Citara or Choco, Neyva, and 
Mariquita, declared in favour of the revolution. Santa 
Marta was also of this number, though acknowledging 
the authority of the regency. Some months after, the 
Spaniards planned to overthrow the established junta at 
Santa Marta, and to form another entirely devoted to 
tbera, which they did on the g2d of the following De« 
10 



110 ' 

cember, availing themselves of a popular commotion ift- 
stigated by themselves. 

The governor of Popayan, Don N. Tacon, assembled 
the principal persons of the province, who agreed in the 
necessity of forming a popular junta. Tacon, however, 
differed in opinion, and dissolved the meeting. He then 
raised an army to attack the new government of Santa 
Fe, which, conscious of its danger, sent troops under the 
command of Don A. Baraya to check Tacon in his career. 
In this Baraya was successful, in the battle which was 
fought on the banks of the river Palace, three leagues from 
the town of Popayan, in the beginning of 1811. 

The regency, wishing to please the Americans, by 
conferring on two of their countrymen some mark of ho- 
nour, sent Don A. Villavicencio and Don C. Montufar, 
with the appellation of Commissionados Regios^ to support 
their authority in New Grenada. They came, however, 
too late to be of any use to their employers. Villavicen- 
cio, a native of Santa Fe, arrived in that city when the 
disposition for revolt could no longer be checked ; and 
Montufar arrived in Quito a few days after the massarcre 
of the 2d of August, 1810. This event had so much exas- 
perated the inhabitants of Quito, that, having no other 
arms, they with knives and sticks fought the troops from 
Lima, which had fired on the people. The result would 
have proved ruinous to the Spaniards, had not the presi- 
dent, Count Ruiz de Castilla, and the audiencia, decreed 
an act of oblivion in favour of the inhabitants, and order- 
ed the troops of Lima to withdraw from the city, which 
the> soon after did. Montufar, whose father, the Marquis 
Selva Alegre, had been among those massacred on the 2d 
of August, took advantage of the fears of the Spanish au- 
thorities to persuade them to form a junta, whose presi- 
dent was to be Ruiz de Castilla. The regency approv* 



Ill 

ed of the junta of Qiiito, the only such approval that took 
place, but appointed Molina president. 

The junta of Carthagena published, on the 19th of Sep- 
tember, 1810, a manifesto to prove the advantages that 
would result to New Grenada from the union of her pro* 
vinces in a federal government. This manifesto dwelt 
particularly on the perfect freedom of the provinces to 
adopt any form of government they pleased ; for as the 
abdication at Bayonne dissolved the compact which uni- 
ted Spanish America to the mother country, so the revo- 
lution of Santa Fe destroyed the bond of union which had 
existed between the provinces and their capital. This 
reasoning misled the inhabitants, and some departments 
of the provinces were even intending to separate from 
their provincial capitals, in order to form new provinces. 
San Gil, a department of the province of Socorro, Giron 
of Pamplona, Mompox of Carthagena, and other depart- 
ments, entertained these wild projects ; and the town of 
Mompox proceeded in consequence to form a junta by it- 
self, and to nominate deputies for the congress of New 
Grenada. The government of Carthagena opposed Mom- 
pox, and sent an expedition under the command of Don 
N. Ayos, who compelled Mompox to renew her former 
allegiance to Carthagena, in January, 1811. 

The junta of Santa Fe received an embassy from that of 
Caraccas, and a treaty of alliance was concluded between 
them. Don J. Cortes Madariaga, who had been the en- 
voy sent by the junta of Caraccas, returned to Venezuela 
by the river Meta. The navigation of this river was al- 
most unknown at that period. Madariaga was the first 
who ascertained it. 

Some of the deputies nominated by the provinces to 
compose the general congress had assembled in Santa Fe 
de Bogota, in December, 1810. In the congress there were 
some members who were willing to admit into their s^f- 



112 

sembly the deputies appointed by those departments 
which were desirous of being formed into separate pro- 
vinces ; while others opposed their taking their seats, al- 
leging the inconvenience that would arise from sanctioning 
such innovations, which must tend to kindle a civil v^ar 
between the departments and their provincial capitals, 
and at the same time multiply the difficulties they now 
experienced in forming a government for New Grenada. 
In this the junta of Santa Fe agreed ; and to give time for 
a proper understanding on the subject to be brought about, 
Uon A. Narino, secretary to the congress, was successful 
in persuading its members to suspend their sessions. 

Mompox being subdued by the troops from Car- 
thagena, and the provinces openly declaring against 
the pretensions of the departments, those dissentions 
were checked which were pervading the provinces, 
and the congress assembled a second time. The repre- 
sentatives of Pamplona, TuBJa% Neyva, Carthagena, and 
Antioquia, concluded a federal compact at Santa Fe 
de Bogota, on the 27th of November, 1811. According 
to this compact, which is divided into seventy -eight arti- 
cles, the provinces were to retain their supreme power in 
the internal administration, confiding to the congress the 
management of general affairs. A supreme court oS 
judicature was to be established for deciding on ques- 
tions arising from the execution of the federal compacts ; 
and the congress reserved likewise to itself the exercise 
of the executive and legislative powers. The province 
of Cundinamarca, not approving the articles of the federa- 
tion, refused to yield its means of defence, as well as the 
mint, for the general use, which should have been done 
according to the stipulations made by the congress. 

The junta of Santa Fe, the capital of Cundinamarca, 
convened an assembly of the deputies of the province, 
whose population amounts to two hundred and fifty thou<- 



, 113 

sand persons. This assembly took the appellation of cole- 
gio electoral constituyente, and presented to the province a 
constitution, which was ratified by an assembly specially 
empowered for that purpose, on the 17th of April, 1812. 

This constitution, the plan of which is divided into 
twelve chapters, titnlos^ aimed at establishing a limited 
monarchy, Ferdinand the Seventh being the acknowledg- 
ed sovereign. In the absence of the king, the executive 
power was to be intrusted to a president, who was to act 
in concert with two counsellors named by the electoral 
colleges ; the electoral colleges to assemble every three 
years, and to be intrusted with the election of the presi- 
dent, senators, members of the tigh court of justice, and 
of the court established for the direction of military affairs. 
The senators and the members of the court of jus- 
tice were to form the national representation, which the 
president was empowered to assemble in all emergencies 
requiring a general consultation. It was requisite that the 
national representation should assemble to receive embas- 
sies from foreign powers, or occasionally to transact im- 
portant business. 

Tacon, the Spanish governor of Popayan, had fled to 
Los Pastos after his defeat at Palace ; and being unable 
to raise an army sufficiently powerful to oppose the 
troops from Santa Fe, he gave liberty to the slaves, which 
are numerous at Los Pastos. This was the very first in- 
stance in South America, since the revolution, of the 
slaves being instigated to revolt against their masters. 
Tacon, however, in this manner raised an army, but still 
not formidable enough to enable him to keep his ground 
in Los Pastos, where he was opposed by troops from Po- 
payan, and by others sent against him by the junta of 
Quito. He therefore retreated to ,the south sea coast, 
near the port of San Buenaventura. Don N, Rodriguez, 
who had succeeded Baraya in the command of the troops, 
10* 



114 

pursued him there, and completely defeated him at Is- 
quande, near the end of the year 1811. 

Don J. Lozano, the first president of Cundinamarca, 
had proposed to the provinces of New Grenada to divide 
their territory into four parts ; and, by uniting themselves 
into a federal government, he maintained that they would 
be powerful enough to overcome those difficulties natu- 
rally arising from the establishment of their independence. 
The junta of Carthagena opposed this measure ; and the 
junta was seconded by the congress of New Grenada, 
which was at this time assembled in the town of Ibague ; 
to which town it had removed to prevent any influence 
in their debates by the people of Santa Fe de Bogota. 
Lozano having resigned his situation as president of 
Cundinamarca, he was succeeded by Don A. Narino, 
who held in little estimation the proposed federal govern- 
ment, and wished to form another constitution, which he 
considered would prove more powerful. 

The provinces of Mariquita, Neyva, and Socorro, join- 
ed Narino in this plan ; and that of Tunja was on the 
eve of doing the same, when a detachment of Narino's 
troops, under the command of Baraya, then in the town 
of Tunja, changed sides, asserting the authority of the 
congress, who immediately transferred its sessions to 
Tunja. This gave rise to a civil war between the parti- 
sans of the congress and Narino's party. This happen- 
ed in the beginning of the year 1812. 

The army of the congress, under the command of Ba- 
raya, J. Ayala, and A. Ricaute, conquered Narino's 
troops at Paloblanco, in the province of Socorro ; and 
the agents of the congress were successful in persuading 
Mariquita and Neyva to espouse the cause of the confe- 
deration. These successes gave spirit to the congress, 
who now firmly established themselves in the town of 



115 

i^eyva, on the 4th of October, 1812. Narino's troops 
were a second time defeated at Ventaquemada, and the 
army of the congress proceeded to besiege Santa Fe in 
December, 1812. Previous to these transactions Narino 
resigned the presidency, but the national representation 
of Santa Fe de Bogota refused to receive his resignation. 
Narino proposed to quit New Grenada, if the besiegers 
would spare the property and lives of the inhabitants of 
Santa Fe de Bogota ; but the besiegers insisted on the 
besieged surrendering at discretion ; and in consequence 
of Narino's refusal they stormed the city. Being, how- 
ever, completely repulsed, their army dispersed, with 
the exception of a division commanded by Girardot, 
which retreated to Tunja. A monument of stone, con- 
taining an inscription explanatory of this signal defeat, 
was placed in that part of the city of Santa Fe called 
San Victorino, 

The junta of Quito, fearing hostilities from the pro- 
vince of Cuenca, which is situate on the frontiers of New 
Grenada and the viceroyalship of Peru, raised an army 
for its own defence. The bishop was at the head of the 
royalists of Cuenca, and many of the officers of the army 
were clergymen, who carried black standards, and took 
the horrible appellation of the army of death, el exercito 
de la muerte. Don N. Molino, who had been appointed 
president of the junta of Quito by the regency of Spain, 
entered the territory of Quito at the head of the troops 
from Lima, which had withdrawn from Quito after the 
massacre of the 2d of August, and retired to Guayaquil, 
The junta of Quito, though acknowledging the regency 
of Spain, would not receive Molina as president if he 
proceeded with the army, and preferred a complaint to 
the cortes. The cortes ordered Molina to stop hostili- 
ties, which he refused, on the pretext often employed by 
the Spaniards, that the order of the cortes had been ob° 



116 

tained by obreption and subreption ; that is, by false ar- 
guments concealing the truth. The army of Quito, com- 
manded by Don C. Montufar, was defeated by the roy- 
alists of Cuenca ; and Don N. Montes, who had succeed- 
ed Molina, entered Quito on the 6th of November, 1812, 
laying waste all before him. The mortality thus occa- 
sioned, did not content Montes, who sent a strong de- 
tachment of soldiers to pursue the bishop, the nuns, and 
other persons who had taken their flight, and in the mean 
time put to death one in every five of the inhabitants who 
had remained to defend the city. This bloody scene is 
described by Montes himself in a letter of the 1 1th of 
November to the governor of Guayaquil. 

After Quito was taken by the royalists, Montes gave 
the command of the army to Don N. Samano, a Spanish 
officer, who had served in the battalion of troops called 
el auxiliary which was stationed at Santa Fe de Bogota 
when the revolution broke out. Samano, in his way to 
Santa Fe, took the town of Popayan. The royalists of 
Pastos had, before this, taken prisoner Don J. Caycedo, 
president of the junta of Quito, and Macaulay, a Nbrth 
American, who commanded the troops of Popayan, with 
many other officers, who, as well as Macaulay and Cay- 
cedo, were put to death. The congress of New Grena- 
da, and Narino, though before at variance, were unani- 
mous in their determination of resisting the royalists; 
and their united troops, to the number of eight thousand 
men, marched to meet the enemy, corancianded by Na- 
rino himself, who had been appointed dictator for that 
purpose. Narino routed the Spaniards in the battle 
fought in el alto del Palace, and Samano retreated to 
Tumbo, seven leagues south of the city of Popayan j 
and, being there reinforced by a division of the army 
which had not been engaged in el alto del Palace, ad- 
vanced to Popayan, encamping his army at Calivipv 



117 

Narino divided his army into three corps, which were 
commanded by Cabal, Monsalve, and himself. Thus 
divided and prepared, they marched against the royalists. 
The troops on both sides fought desperately ; but vie* 
tory at length declared for the independents, and the 
Spaniards were forced to retreat. Aymeric was appoint- 
ed successor to Samano, and took the command of the 
army, bringing fresh troops from Quito. Narino or- 
ganized a popular government at Popayan, and marched 
to Pastes. 

The province of Popayan and Pastos being situate in 
that part of the Andes where the mountains rise as they 
approach the equator, no part of the country can better 
maintain a vigorous resistance ; and the royalists, con- 
scious of this advantageous position, fortified the princi- 
pal defiles. The country being besides thinly peopled, 
and rivers running across it in all directions without any 
bridges, the difiicuhies are in consequence innumerable, 
which an army, accompanied with necessary provisions 
and baggage, must encounter in passing through such a 
country. The victories hitherto obtained by Narmo bad 
not been followed by much advantage, the independents 
being, from the nature of the country, unable to pursue 
their vanquished enemy. 

Narino, in his way to Pastos, which is nearly eighty 
leagues distant from Popayan, attacked el alto de Juatt" 
ambu, which be took, but by the sacrifice of many lives. 
Los Tacines and Aranda likewise fell into his power 
after many severe engagements, in which several of Na- 
rino's officers were killed ; and among them the young 
Salazar, whose valour had gained him universal esteem. 

Narino had nearly reached the town of Pastos, and 
was advancing with one division of his forces, when the 
enemies' spies unfortunately spread, in the remainder of 
the army, the report that Narino had been attacked, de-^ 



118 

feated, and made prisoner. This caused great conster- 
nation in that part of his army ; and the enemy, being 
apprized of it, sent a detachment against Narino, and 
verified the premature report by making him prisoner. 
This happened in the month of June, 1814, and proved 
a serious shock to the independent army ; so much so, 
that all Don J. M. Cabal's prudence and valour scarcely- 
enabled him to effect a retreat to Popayan, his troops 
being closely pursued by Aymeric. 

Don A. Narino is one of those few enterprising cha- 
racters who had long viewed with a prophetic eye, and 
even, in some measure, prepared the minds of the inha- 
bitants of Santa Fe for independence. His opinions and 
wishes, too freely expressed in the early part of his 
youth, caused his imprisonment in 1794, and that of 
many of his friends, distinguished young men at Santa 
Fe de Bogota. Duran, Cabal, Cortes, Umana, Narino^ 
Zea, and others, were at that time sent to Spain under 
an escort. Narino escaped the vigilance of his guards^ 
and made his escape in the very act of landing at Cadiz, 
and presented himself to the government at Madrid. 
Kotwithstanding this act of submission, the Spanish go- 
vernment was going to order his arrest, when Narino 
again escaped, and went to France ; from whence he 
came to England, at the very epocha when Mr. Pitt's 
plan for separating Terra Firma from the Spanish go- 
vernment was in contemplation, in 1796. Then Narino 
returned to New Grenada incognito, with the view of 
carrying it into effect, but he was discovered and con- 
fined many years ; during which time he suffered the 
hardships of poverty, close imprisonment, &;c. At last 
he regained his liberty, on condition that he should 
never quit Santa Fe, and that he should be always ac» 
companied by a soldier. When the war in Spain com- 
menced, the government of Santa Fe, being afraid of Bit 



119 

uncommon powers of persuasion, as well as of the credit 
he possessed, had him arrested, ordering him to be sent 
to Carthagena ; but Narino again escaped at El Banco over 
the river Magdalena, and went to Santa Marta. A Spa- 
niard, who knew the house where he was concealed, dis- 
covered it to the governor, who had him immediately 
taken, and then enforced the former orders of the govern- 
ment, by sending him to Carthagena, where he was 
thrown into the dungeons of Fort Bocachica. When the 
revolution took place, he was released ; but his health 
was greatly impaired, and his legs had suffered much 
from the fetters he had been compelled to wear during 
his imprisonment. Having been taken prisoner at Pastos, 
it is wonderful that he was not executed, as almost all 
the prisoners were at that time ; but he was conducted 
to Q,uito, thence to Lima, and he is now confined at La 
Carracca, in Cadiz. One of his sons, Antonio, gave at 
Bocachica a noble example of filial duty and affection, 
by suffering himself to be imprisoned with his father, 
whose misfortunes he wished, by sharing, to alleviate. 

Intelligence of the retreat of the army of Popayan, of 
the victories of Boves against the republicans of Venezue- 
la, of the re-establishment of king Ferdinand the Seventh, 
and of the fall of Bonaparte, reached nearly at the same 
time the congress of New Grenada. The dangers that 
now threatened the independence of that part of South 
America were viewed in their true light ; and the congress 
issued a proclamation, which, after recapitulating the vi- 
cissitudes suffered by the armies of the republic, thus con- 
cludes : '' Such is the situation of the military affairs of 
New Grenada. Every step the republicans make costs a 
bloody battle in the provinces of Venezuela, where hordes 
of assassins are formed by the agents of the king to check 
the progress of the friends of liberty. Our frontiers are 
constantly molested by the royalists of Maracaybo, and 



120 

those who now possess Barinas ; both of whom keep al- 
ways in alarm the defenders of Pamplona and Casanare. 
The inhabitants of Santa Marta obstinately refuse to co- 
operate with us. Carthagena wants assistance from the 
general government, which is at the same time obliged to 
provide for the defence of Popayan, which is again threat- 
ened with invasion ; and this of course increases the diffi- 
culties we should have in rescuing the unfortunate Quito 
from the power of her oppressors. These are the objects 
which imperiously call for the attention of the confederate 
provinces. Useless will be the declaration of our inde- 
pendence, if we have not resolution to support it. We 
possess within ourselves the means of attaining this great 
object, and no power whatever will be strong enough to 
conquer us if we avail ourselves of our own strength ; our 
exertions must unquestionably be great, and our sacrifices 
for the common cause unbounded. But such efforts are 
worthy of men raised to the dignity of a free people, and 
are absolutely necessary, since we have nothing to hope, 
and much to fear, from the European nations. 

*' Whether generosity, or the desire of restoring equi- 
librium among the powers of Europe, has induced Great 
Britain to make such constant and strong opposition against 
Bonaparte, and to support the cause of Spain, is yet with 
us an unsolved problem. Notwithstanding the cessions at 
Bayonne, and the torrents of blood that the French have 
shed by the war in the peninsula, Ferdinand has been re- 
stored to Spain ; and the country, now freed from the 
French, will have both the power and the will to send a 
formidable army again to subdue us. 

" We have, alas 1 frequently felt the effects of Spanish 
perfidy and cruelty, notwithstanding the constitution by 
which the Spaniards vainly boasted they had restored to 
every subject the natural rights of men ; — that very con- 
stitution which, though sanctioned by oaths, and proclaim- 



121 



ed in every part of the Spanish settlements, has not been 
able to protect the property and lives of the Americans, to 
shield from insult their wives and daughters, or even the 
sacred dignity of the priesthood. The decree of the king^ 
dated at Valencia on the 4th of May, put an end to this 
boasted constitution. What, therefore, have those Ame- 
ricans novr to expect, whose hands are stained by the 
blood of their countrymen? or what, indeed, can be the 
expectation of the Spaniards, when even the cortes is de- 
clared an illegal assembly opposing the sovereignty of the 
king ? And ye, hapless members of the cortes! always 
unjust towards the Americans, what are your hopes, since 
you are pursued as criminals guilty of high treason ; since 
the Spanish nation has returned to its former abject state, 
the throne surrounded by your enemies, who will wreak 
their wrath on your heads ! 

** Since the restoration of the Bourbons to the thrones 
of France and Spain, what avails it to us that the emperor 
of Austria may reluctantly bear the fall of his son-in-law, 
to which his arms so much contributed ; thtit the princes 
raised by Bonaparte's breath may repent having assisted 
to subdue the power that fanned them into being ? Or 
can it be important to us, that the English nation may have 
some feelings of compassion for our sufferings ; or that the 
rival nations of Europe may shortly rekindle the flame of 
war ? Our safety requires that we view our situation in 
its worst light; and that we consider the cabinets of Eu- 
rope as endeavouring to fix our hapless fate. 

** When the Spaniards were shedding without mercy 
the blood of our most distinguished citizens in the name of 
Ferdinand the Seventh, and when we considered the pe- 
ninsula unable to free itself from the French, we naturally 
desired to secure our liberty and independence. Hitherto 
the nation has opposed our end^ avours ; the king himself 
will now send his armies to subdue us. Ferdinand's agents 
11 



122 

will perhaps speak to us at first of the paternal beneficence 
of kings, while we shall have to resist hosts of profiered 
amnesties, rewards, crosses, titles, &c. intended to flatter 
our prejudices, and to lull to sleep our vigilance. Bishop- 
ricks and other ecclesiastical dignities will be offered to 
cur clergy, to engage them to espouse the king's cause ; 
but the sword will quickly be drawn, and misery in every 
shape will be inflicted upon us. Ye people of New Gre- 
nada ! contemplate your fate, and that of your posterity ; 
you may easily judge of it; and let your resolution be 
formed accordingly, and nobly. Again, we repeat, your 
destiny depends on your own exertions. 

" While Spain exults in having opposed Bonaparte's 
tyranny, ought we not to aim at having similar cause for 
exultation, by opposing the power they wish unduly to 
exercise over us ? Can time justify usurpation ? The 
cessions of the princes of Mexico, Cusco, and Bogota, in 
ihe early period of the Spanish invasion of America, 
were not less effected by violence than the abdications of 
Bayonne ; nor were the cruelties the Spaniards committed 
in America less provoking than the atrocities the French 
army is accused of in the Spanish war. It is neither Fer- 
dinand nor the Bourbons who alone aim at our property 
and lives ; it is the Spanish nation — that very nation 
which has lately displayed such strong features of cruelty 
in their conduct towards us. If we have the misfortune 
of falling again under the same power, every Spaniard 
will triumphantly insult us in our streets. The blessing 
of air, which is free to all, even to the brute creation— 
and again, those domestic enjoyments which man by 
right and nature possesses, by inclination clings to, we 
shall have to implore as boons from our tyrants. The 
produce eVen of our industry will become the property 
of Spain ; and when wearing the fetters of slavery, the 
sad sound of our chains will disturb the very ashes of our 



123 

heroes, who have firmly supported and bravely fallen in 
defence of our liberty and independence. Such is the 
melancholy, prophetic picture of the fate that awaits us, 
unless we are conquerors. 

*' The very name of our country we were not permit- 
ted to pronounce before our revolution. To endeavour 
to possess that country, though our own by every natural 
right, has already cost us most dear. Yet the helm we 
should not forsake, for success has often crowned our ef- 
forts ! The congress has adopted some vigorous mea- 
sures, and even sent an envoy to implore the protection 
of the English government — of that government, the pro- 
tector of the liberties of Europe, and which has more 
than once invited us to shake off the Spanish yoke. 

" The congress relies on the exertions of the provinces, 
and on their indissoluble union. 

<-<• CAMILO TORRES, President. 
CRISANTO VALENZUELA, Sec. 
"«' Tunja^ Ut Sept. 1814." 

Notwithstanding the existing critical circumstances, the 
president of Cundinamarca, Don Bernardo Alvarez, who 
had succeeded Narino, persisted in refusing to enter into 
the general confederation, although his refusal impeded 
the excellent measures the congress was taking for the 
defence of the country. Alvarez was at length persuad- 
ed that the voice of the province was in favour of the 
confederation ; and being spurred on by the continual 
communications on the subject, which he received from 
the general government, he deputed Don J. Lozano to 
treat with the congress on the union of Santa' Fe. A 
treaty was concluded ; and it was agreed that the pro- 
vince of Cundinamarca should enter into the confedera- 
tion. Alvarez refused to ratify the treaty, but proposed 
an alliance, which the congress would not accept. 



124 

in the end of the year 1814, Bolivar arrived at Tunja, 
Where the congress had again fixed its sessions. The 
provinces of Casanare, Pamplona, Tunja, Neyva, Choco, 
Popayan, Carthagena, Mariquita, Socorro, and Antioquia, 
acted in concert with each other under the direction of 
the general government, which now tried again to compel 
the president of Cundinamarca to acknowledge its autho- 
rity. That division of the army of Venezuela which, 
under the command of Urdaneta, had retired to Cucuta, 
in consequence of Bolivar's defeat at La Puerta, was or- 
dered to Tunja ; and, being there reinforced, marched 
under the direction of Bolivar, in December, 1814, 
against Santa Fe. The city was stormed, and the prin- 
cipal suburbs were already in Bolivar's possession, when 
Alvarez accepted the capitulation he proposed. It was 
agreed by this capitulation, that Cundinamarca should 
join the confederate provinces, and that it should enjoy 
the same rights and privileges they then possessed. The 
electoral college of Santa Fe then assembled, and having 
ratified the capitulation, invited the congress there to fix ,| 
its residence, where, soon after, the members assembled. 
The congress now possessed full authority ; and though 
threatened by the royalists from Venezuela, Qjuito, and 
Santa Marta, they considered the safety of the country 
certain, and their means sufficient to repulse e\eTy at- 
tack. Some reforms had been made in the administra- 
tion, which favoured the unity of action, and enabled the 
government to have recourse to strong measures in case 
of necessity. According to these reforms, which were 
made by three decrees, one dated the 23d of September, 
and the others the 21st of October, 1814, the congress 
was to be composed of two deputies from each province, 
excepting those of Casanare, Neyva, and Choco, which, 
being comparatively less peopled than the other provin- 
ces, were only to have one representative ; the adminis- 



125 



tration of the departments of finance and war to be ex- 
clusively possessed by the federal powers ; the executive 
power to be intrusted to three persons nominated by the 
congress, Don M. R. Torices, Garcia Rubira, and M. 
Pey, well known by their republican principles and dis- 
tinguished talents ; the governors of the provinces to be 
elected by their electoral colleges, but still they were to 
act as delegates of the general government in all affairs 
relating to the confederation. 

The confederated provinces enjoyed at that time some 
prospect of future prosperity ; and even some of the 
burdens which oppressed the people had been removed. 
Among these were the monopolies of tobacco, spiritous 
liquors, the alcabala, the tribute paid by the Indians, Sic. 
The congress had invited foreigners to fix their residence 
in the confederate provinces by the decree of the 13th of 
July, 1814, offering them protection, and the means of 
exerting their industry. A manufactory of firearms 
had been established at Antioquia, one of hats at Santa 
Fe de Bogota, &c. The press was free ; many respecta- 
ble clergymen had taken part in the general cause ; and 
the opinions of those were disregarded who alleged that 
Pope Alexander the Sixth had possessed the right of ma- 
king cession of the Indies to the kings of Spain. The 
botanical expedition, under the direction of the celebrated 
Mutis, had made important discoveries, and was particu- 
larly favoured by the new government. Don Sinforoso 
Mutis, Riso, Caldas, and Lozano, were preparing that 
work for publication which the premature death of Mutis 
had deprived of his valuable corrections. 

The citizens eagerly contributed both with their per- 
sons and property to assist the government. The friars 
of the order of St. Dominic gave likewise an example of 
patriotism, by yielding to the government i great part of 
fhe silver which they had for years hQ^ii collecting and 



126 

heaping up in the sanctuary of Chiquinquird. The con- 
gress, to prevent the machinations of the Spaniards, decreed 
their expulsion from the confederate provinces till the 
final establishment of independence, leaving to them at 
the same time the free disposal of their property. 

The congress sent reinforcements to the army at Popa- 
yan, which, under Cabal, was checking the progress of the 
royalists. Reinforcements were likewise sent under Ur- 
daneta to protect the province of Pamplona, which the 
royalists of Maracaybo had often attempted to subdue, 
always retiring to the woods on the banks of the river 
Sulia when pursued by the independents. Santa Marta 
was the third territory possessed by the enemy, and to 
this the principal force of the confederation was directed. 
To have possessed Santa Marta would have largely con- 
tributed to enable the confederate provinces to resist the 
expedition then ready to sail from Cadiz under Morillo, 
should it be directed against New Grenada. Bolivar had 
been appointed captain general of the armies of New Gre- 
nada and Venezuela, and commanded the troops directed 
against Santa Marta ; and in the preparations he made for 
this attack, he strained every nerve to obtain the success 
he ardently desired. But the differences which arose 
in consequence of the opposition expressed by the go- 
vernment of Carthagena to Bolivar's appointment, and his 
too strong resentment of this opposition, which he evin- 
ced by laying siege to Carthagena, entirely defeated the 
excellent plans formed by the congress, and rendered 
useless the exertions of the provinces. 

The royalists effected the^conquest of a great part of the 
provinces of Carthagena, while the independent troops 
were disgracefully fighting at the gates of the city to set- 
tle their private differences ; and Morillo arived just in 
time to take advantage of the confusion these civil distur- 
.bances created. Bolivar capitulated with the govern' 



127 

ment of Carthagena, and himself quitted the province ; 
but his troops remained to protect the city, though consi- 
derably diminished by the war, and by the baneful cli- 
mate on the banks of the river Magdalena. and in the vi- 
cinity of Carthagena. 

Availing himself of these circumstances, Morillo besieg- 
ed Carthagena, and the government of Santa Fe de Bogo- 
ta had no means of affording succour to the city. Never- 
theless, great exertions were made to raise anew army to 
repulse the attacks of the royalists, who from three differ- 
ent parts were invading the independent provinces. The 
members of the government placed themselves at the head 
of the army ; every individual exerted his power to the 
utmost ; but the hour of triumph for the royalists had ar- 
rived, and no resistance couid stop their progress. Car- 
thagena was now possessed by the royalists, and the re- 
publicans every where defeated. Notwithstanding their 
arduous fighting in the battle of Cachiri, and the success 
obtained at Remedies, they were completely conquer- 
ed ; and Morillo entered Santa Fe de Bogota in June, 
1816, To show the situation at that time of the royal 
army in New Grenada and Venezuela, I will insert a 
faithful translation of General Morjilo's letter, dated Mom- 
pox, the 7th of March, 1816. This letter is addressed 
to the minister of war in Spain, and was found, with ma- 
ny other papers, on board the schooner La Leona, bound 
to Cadiz from Havanna, when captured by the privateer 
"El Congreso from Buenos Ayres. This intercepted letter 
was published in El Independiente at Buenos Ayres, 
" To the minister of war in Spain. 

*' Sir, — On my arrival at Venezuela I gave your excel- 
lency every necessary information respecting the tranquil- 
lity and security of this part of his majesty's dominions ; 
from Carthagena I did the same, and of every thing rela- 
ting to the viceroyalty of New Grenada. I am now comj 



128 

pelled to enforce the urgent necessity of reinforcing the 
army under my command, and of sending fresh troops to 
Venezuela. 

*' Disease Iiaving lessened my forces, and being obli- 
ged to send troops to Peru and to Puerto Rico, and to 
station others in those places lately possessed by the re- 
bels, the force of my army is considerably diminished. 
Indeed, I may say my army is a mere skeleton, and une- 
qual to the duty it has to perform, especially jn Vene- 
zuela. 

*' When I took the island of Margarita, the rebels from 
that place emigrated to Carthagena and to Santa Fe de 
Bogota, where they have disciplined troops to oppose 
us. Others went to the Antilles, expecting what has 
happened, that my forces would be lessened, and intend- 
ing to try to effect another revolution in Cumana, Marga- 
rita, and Guayana ; and in this project they are support- 
ed by the malecontents from France, and some speculators 
from England. 

*' When I took Carthagena, the rebels emigrated to 
Aux Cayes, with the intention of uniting themselves there, 
that they might make an attack on that part of the coast 
least defended ; and, if repulsed, they were to content 
themselves with pillage, and re embark. With the colo- 
nial produce they pillage they buy muskets ; and I am 
informed, that they have now a deposit of at least twelve 
thousand in Port-au-Prince, as I said in my former com- 
munication. 

" By this exposition, your excellency will find, that if 
the rebels lose extent of ground, they at least concentrate 
their forces, by which means they become stronger thaa 
we are in any point they choose to occupy. 

*' I beg of your excellency to take into considerationj 
that the force stationed at Venezuela, when the people 
were willing to acknowledge the authority of the king, 



129 



was doubie the number now employed to check the rebels ; 
and yet our troops are daily called into the field, though 
so much lessened in number and strength. The same ob- 
servations may extend to New Grenada ; and, as far as I 
can observe in my march, I have reason to believe that 
the province of Carthagena may now be loyal ; but the 
other provinces only wait for the opportunity of putting 
into execution their rebellious plans. The curates are 
particularly disaffected ; not one appears now attached 
to the regal government. 

" I have already expressed my wish to your excellen- 
cy that missionaries should be sent out ; I now add the 
necessity of sending both divines and lawyers from Spain. 
If the king intends again to subdue these provinces, the 
same measures. must be taken as in the early period of 
the conquest. 

" In my former communication I observed to your ex- 
cellency, that we wanted troops to keep in subjection 
this viceroyalty : I now repeat, this assistance cannot be 
dispensed with, for, though we may subdue this country, 
it is not possible to reJy either on the divisions of troops 
commanded by Calzada, nor on that of the vanguard on 
the right bank of the river Magdalena, being composed 
of Creoles, who would probabl-y desert and fly to Vene- 
zuela, thus increasing the strength of the enemy. These 
divisions are, nevertheless, composed of brave men, capa- 
ble of being disciplined ; and it would be better to send 
them to Peru, where they might be of greater service, 
though at present they will have sufficient employment 
in Antioquia, Popayan, and Choco, all rebel provinces. 

'* These proposals are made, supposing that reinforce- 
ments will be sent immediately, as, if this be not done, 
I cannot say what number of troops may later be requi- 
site to maintain our power here. Two points of the 
greatest importance are at this moment attacked by the 



130 

rebels of Venezuela— Blargarita and Guayana. At Mar- 
garita the rebels are well commanded ; they are well 
provided with every thing, and fight desperately. The 
king's troops have been obliged to act on the defensive ; 
and if Bolivar should arrive with his expedition, fitted out 
at Aux Cayes, 1 know not what may be the fate of Mar- 
garita, nor that of Cumana. 

*' The attack of the rebels on Margarita, is connected 
with that on Guayana, where they are numerous, pos- 
sessing a large circuit around Angostura, the capital of 
the province, and in consequence intercepting the supply 
of cattle; and, probably, may compel the garrison of 
Angostura to surrender without fighting, because, in that 
city, there is a party for the insurgents. I considered 
the province of Guayana of so much importance, that I 
ventured once to observe to his majesty at Madrid, that 
Guayana once lost, Caraccas and Santa Fe de Bogota 
were in danger. And I beg of your excellency to refer 
to the maps, and observe the rivers Orenocco, Apure, and 
Meta, which are much more navigable than I conceived 
they were before I quitted Madrid. The same observa- 
tions may extend to many rivers in Los Llanos, which the 
rebels having full command of, cut us off from all com- 
munication with their banks, where is cattle of every de- 
scription, and from whence the towns situate on the 
mountains are supplied. 

*' The rebels in Venezuela have adopted the plan of 
carrying on the war by their guerillas, who are strong 
and numerous ; and in this they imitate the plan pursued 
in Spain in the last war ; and if Bolivar, or any other chief 
in estimation among them, would take the command of 
these guerillas, they might act vigorously. 

" It is thought in Spain, that the spirit for revolt in this 
country is confined to a few ; but it is necessary that your 
excellency should in this be undeceived. In Venezuela, 



131 

especially, it is general. I do not think that in this 
ticeroyalty so strong an inclination for rebellion exists ; 
yet I still must in.sist on the necessity of an increase of 
troops, the garrison of Carthagena suflfering much from 
disease; and it is necessary that the military force sta- 
tioned at New Grenada should be double what it was in 
the middle of last century. 

*' If we lose Margarita, the insurgents will fortify it ; 
and they will interrupt, by their pirates, our commerce 
in the Mexican Gulf. It will then be necessary to send 
an expedition to reconquer Margarita ; and if Guayana be 
subdued, the difficulties to reconquer it will be still great- 
er. The rebels of Casanare and Tunja will join them ; 
and should the peninsula of Paraguana be attacked, in 
the department of Coro, there will be little to hope for 
the king's troops. But these dangers will no longer ex- 
ist if we receive reinforcements, which in their way 
might conquer Margarita, and that part of the coast now 
possessed by the insurgents. 

" I do not wish to add to his majesty's anxiety, but 
only to draw a faithful picture of what is passing in this 
^country, to show the necessity of redoubling our efforts 
to secure what, with great anxiety, we have already at- 
tained. By the blessing of Providence we have been en- 
abled to support hunger, and deprivations of every kind ; 
yet how can we flatter ourselves that we shall be always 
thus blessed ? As so much is already done towards sub- 
bluing thesecountries, it is very desirable that men, guns, 
and ammunition be immediately sent, that we may make 
a final blow, and obtain full possession of them. It is 
necessary to direct our principal efforts against Venezue- 
la. From this country the adjacent provinces are supplied 
with officers, who are the most enterprising and best in- 
structed men in Terra Firma. It is therefore necessary 
that the troops stationed in Venezuela should be numerous. 



132 



because the division at Barinas might be called for iti 
exigencies at Santa Fd. God preserve your excellency- 

♦* PABLO MORILLO. 
'* Head Quarters, at Mompox, 
7th March, 1816." 

In another letter to the minister of war, Morillo saySj 
that he has reinstated the royal audiencia of Caraccas, 
according to the orders he had received from the king ; 
but observes that this measure will be ruinous to the in- 
terests of Spain ; because, as the revolt in Venezuela is 
far from being quelled, tlie government of that country 
ought to be wholly military. Morillo observes also, that 
the municipalities are invested with too much power, and 
may in consequence do much against the regal interest, 
their members being South Americans. He advises a 
retrenchment of the power of the municipalities, such 
power having been only granted by the laws of Indies, in 
consideration that the municipalities were then composed 
of the conquerors and settlers. He concludes : 

*' hew persons can more strongly feel than I do, that 
a military government is the most despotic and worst of 
any known form of government. It is the most tyranni- 
cal and destructive ; but it is the most energetic, and that 
which the rebels have adopted. Indeed, what other go- 
vernment can suit a country whose inhabitants prove that 
they bear very reluctantly the rule of a sovereign — a 
country in which the rebels possess yet some points, and 
in which all is war, desolation, and horror? When the 
provinces of Spain were invaded, all exclaimed for a 
military government. Undoubtedly the error was in 
those who, unacquainted with these countries, and listen- 
ing to the rebels' emissaries, thought that the king's troops 
had only to appear, and to act with clemency, to secure 
the possession of these provinces, whose inhabitants 
would bless the day in which so much happiness has been 



133 

granted to them. Margarita, Cumana, and Barcelona, 
have proved the falsity of these opinions. 

*' At the present time the restrictions laid on the chiefs 
by the laws of Indies are almost useless, especially in 
Venezuela. The South Americans will not obey Euro- 
peans, and still less, Spaniards. They wish to be go- 
verned by their own countrymen ; and if they yield to 
circumstances, and obey the king, it is only in expecta- 
tion of happier times. 

" Every province in America demands a different mode 
of government. What is good at Santa Fe de Bogota is 
bad in Venezuela, notwithstanding that they are neigh- 
bouring provinces. In Santa Fe there are but few blacks 
and mulattoes ; in Venezuela a considerable part of the 
white population has perished in the revolution. The 
inhabitants of Santa Fe are timid ; those of Venezuela 
bold and sanguinary. In Santa Fe much has been pub- 
lished during the revolution, and the learned have ruled 
all with their pens ; but in Caraccas they displayed ear- 
lier the naked sword. From this dissimilarity of cha- 
racter arises the different opposition we have met with ; 
but in their dissimulation and perfidy, the people in all 
the provinces resemble each other. Probably, in this 
viceroyauy, the inhabitants would not have opposed so 
firmly the king's troops, had not many from Venezuela 
come to support them, it was, spurred on by them, that 
Carthagena resisted so strenuously. The division of the 
army that attacked Zaragoza and Remedios has opposed 
many troops disciplined by these insurgents. 1 he go- 
vernment of Antioquia has already twice proclaimed la 
guerra a muerte^ and has skilfully fortified the defiles of 
the province by engineers from Venezuela. It was by 
the activity of the same insurgents that Santa Fe was ob- 
liged to suLmit to the congress, and received their san- 
guinary ideas. All is effected by the rebels from Vene- 
12 



134 

zuela. They are like ferocious beasts when they fight in 
their own country ; and if they get able commanders, it 
will require many years to subdue them, and even then 
it will be done at the expense of much blood and consi- 
derable suras of money. 

*' When I arrived in Venezuela, commanding his ma- 
jesty's army, I was seized with horror when I heard of 
the number of killed in each engagement, whether gained 
or lost ; and I conceived that this profusion of blood was 
the effect of the resentment of two parties aiming at each 
other. I then displayed that clemency so much recom- 
mended by the king, which was unbounded. What has 
been the effect of my clemency ? New revolutions and 
new treachery. And if the people submit when peace is 
restored in this viceroyalty, it will be only to wait for a 
"better opportunity for revolt. But to subdue this people 
more troops are required, as I have repeatedly observed 
to your excellency, and that the captain-general of Vene- 
zuela be invested with military power; and, be assured, 
this is not the work of a day, but must be the result of 
much perseverance and activity. It is a war ferocious 
like that of blacks against whites. 

-« MORILLO." 



135 



CHAPTER III. 

Revolution of Carthagena. — Assembling of the junta.-^ 
Attempt of the regiment El Fixo to dissolve the junta. — 
The assembling of the convention, and the formation of 
a constitution. — War with the royalists of Santa Marttb. 
— Siege and taking of Carthagena by Morillo. 

THE province of Carthagena is divided into six dcr 
partmenls ; Carthagena, Tolu, San Benito, Mompox, and 
Simiti. The population of the province amounts to two 
hundred and ten thousand persons, that of the capital to 
sixteen thousand. 

Intelligence having reached Carthagena of the revolu- 
tion in Santa Fe de Bogota, a junta w^as formed on the 
6th of August, 1810. This junta was composed of the 
members of the municipality, the deputies elected by the 
people, and of the deputies sent by the other municipali- 
ties of the province. Don J. M. Garcia Toledo, was the 
president first appointed by the junta. Don J. M. del 
Real, Garcia Toledo, who was elected a second time, 
and Don Y. Cavero, successively obtained this appoint- 
ment. The junta acknowledged the supreme authority of 
the regency of Spain, but on this condition, that the ad- 
ministration of the interior government of the province 
should belong to the natives. Regardless, however, of 
this condition, the regency nominated a Spanish governor 
for Carthagena, whom the junta did not receive, though 
they acknowledged willingly the authority of the cortes. 
This acknowledgment, however, was made, subject to 
the same restrictions as the acknowledgment of the re- 
gency, and that the province of Carthagena should be 
represented in the cortes according to its population. 



136 

Neither the first regency nor the cortes acquiesced in the 
proposals of the junta of Carthagena ; and this province 
was therefore considered disloyal. 

The junta made a decree to fix the mode of electing the 
members ; the number was reduced to twelve from the 
first of January, 1811. A court of judicature, and a 
committee for the financial department, were then formed. 
The police was in the hands of the^ municipalities, and 
the government of the province appertained solely to the 
junta. 

A Spanish officer took umbrage in consequence of ha- 
ving been imprisoned some days for neglecting to comply 
with an order of the junta. It happened at the same time 
that this assembly was debating on the necessity of ma- 
king some reforms in the regiment El FixOy stationed in 
the city, to which a new commander was to be appointed. 
Don B. Gutierrez availed himself of this opportunity, and 
endeavoured to persuade his brother officers to petition 
the junta against the removal of their colonel, which 
they determined on doing ; and the petition was on the 
eve of being presented, when Gutierrez, observing the 
dissatisfaction of the regiment, determined to obtain his 
end by dispersing the junta. The conspirators resolved 
to have four of the members executed, and to send the 
others to Spain. Gutierrez accordingly put himself at the 
head of the troops on the 4th of February, 1811, and 
was proceeding to the house where the junta was assem- 
bled. The people of Carthagena, alarmed at the unex- 
pected appearance of the troops, rushed into the streets 
to defend the government. The junta then employed a 
respectable old man, Lieutenant-General Narvaez, who 
was much respected by the troops and people, to inquire 
the cause of the discontent of the military. Having lis- 
tened to their grievances, Narvaez appeased them with 
promises, and they retired to their barracks. The junta 



137 



then granted a pardon to the troops, and banished the lead- 
ers of the faction. 

The people of Carthagena accused the members of the 
junta of having ambitious views, and observed that they ac- 
knowledged the sovereignty of the cortes of Spain with- 
out obeying their decrees. There were likewise other 
causes of discontent. The junta had been under the ne- 
cessity of attacking the town of Mompox : after Mompox 
was subdued, the junta decreed that many of its inhabit- 
ants should be arrested, and banished others, contrary to 
the wishes and opinion of the province at large. Don 
Gabriel Pineres, a native of Mompox, contrived to raise 
a party against the junta, by circulating reports unfavour- 
able to the members, and by showing great liberality at 
Carthagena. The scheme succeeded ; the people of Car- 
thagena assembled, on the 11th of November, 1811, in 
considerable numbers, before the house in which the jun- 
ta held its sessions, and loudly demanded that indepen- 
dence from Spain should be proclaimed, the inquisition 
abolished, the prisoners from Mompox released, and 
that a convention should be assembled to form a constitu- 
tion for the province. The junta, which was at that time 
debating on the subject of their independence, and had in 
consequence sent circular letters asking the advice of the 
municipalities, did not object to the first demand of the 
people ; the second was a matter of course after the de-> 
claration of independence ; and the third and fourth were 
considered just, and likewise granted. The acts decla- 
ring their independence were passed, and the manifesto 
making known the reasons for it soon after published. 

In the following January, 1812, the province assem- 
bled a convention, which was composed of thirty-four 
deputies, elected according to the population of the pro- 
vince. 

12* % 



138 

The convention published, on the 14th of June, 1812, 
a constitution peculiarly formed for Carthagena; from 
which I shall make an extract, as it may give an idea of 
the internal government planned for the different provin- 
ces of New Grenada. This constitution, published by the 
convention, consisted of fifteen chapters, titulos ; the form 
of elections is prescribed ; the rights of the citizens estab- 
lished ; the extent was fixed of the authority of the pro- 
vincial power ; the liberty of the press granted, &c. The 
importation of slaves was prohibited ; and the legislative 
body was to form a plan to raise a fund for the manumis- 
sion of the slaves in the province. The legislative body 
was to consist of the representatives of the province, and, 
to facilitate their proceedings, was to be divided into two 
departments, solas; the executive power to be intrusted 
to a president, who was to have two counsellors. The 
senate was appointed to watch over the exact fulfilment 
of the laws, and the general convention was to be com- 
posed of the president of the state, of the two counsellors, 
the senate, the legislative body, and the supreme court of 
judicature. The general convention was to assemble, if 
convened by the president, in urgent cases. The office 
of president was to last three years ; and D. M. R. Tori- 
ces was the first person intrusted with it. The conven- 
tion put into- circulation paper money to the amount of 
fifteen thousand Spanish dollars, which was increased in 
the course of two years to near one million. The cause 
of this paper circulation was, that the finances of the pro- 
vince of Carthagena were not sufficient for the expenses 
of the new government. Before the revolution, Cartha- 
gena received annually from Santa Fe de Bogota supplies 
of money to defray the expenses of the troops, navy, &c.; 
but since the revolution, Carthagena not having these 
supplies, there remained for the new government no me- 
thod of supplying those expenses, which had increased^ 



139 

except the circulation of paper money. This produced 
very bad effects; for very little hope was entertained, 
either in the town or province, of that amelioration in 
their fate which they had expected from a change in ihe 
government. They began to grow weary of the revolu- 
tion, which, among many other evils, had occasioned that 
of suspension of commerce, the principal source from 
which Carthagena derived prosperity. 

The royalists of the neighbouring province of Santa 
Marta, seeing this state of Carthagena, hastened to attack 
the province, and, though they were repulsed atMompox, 
they succeeded in getting possession of the departments 
of Tolu and San Benito, under the command of the Span- 
iard Rebustillos, in October, 1812. The alarm at Car- 
thagena increased, Venezuela being at that time in the 
power of Monteverde, and the general depression occa- 
sioned by the earthquake of Caraccas having extended to 
Santa Fe de Bogota, and the other provinces of New 
Grenada possessed by the independents. The alarm was 
heightened when intelligence of the war carried on be- 
tween the congress of New Grenada and Narino was re- 
ceived at Carthagena, whither the royalists were proceed- 
ing in triumph. 

The English frigate the Garland arrived at that time at 
Carthagena, bearing despatches for the governor from 
the English admiral at Jamaica. The admiral proposed to 
the government of Carthagena to make an amicable ar- 
rangement with Don Benito Perez, the viceroy appointed 
by the Spanish government for New Grenada, then resid- 
ing at Panama, warning Carthagena, in case of a refusal, 
of an attack from the Spanish forces. The admiral offer- 
ed the Garland to convey the deputies from Carthagena to 
Panama, if the government acquiesced in his proposals. 

The governor, Don M. Rodriguez Torices, in conse- 
quence of the impending danger, adopted the following 



140 

measures : Don J. M. del Real and Don G. Pineres were 
appointed to treat with the viceroy, and, having accepted 
the offer of the English admiral, they embarked for Cha- 
gres, to proceed from thence to Panama. Don A. Gu- 
tierrez Moreno sailed for the West-India islands, with in- 
structions to engage officers to serve in the army of Car- 
thagena ; he carried with him letters of marque, which 
were to be offered to those who wished to fit out priva- 
teers under the colours of the republic of Carthagena, 
blue, white, and yellow. The army was disciplined by 
officers who had emigrated from Caraccas, and divided 
into two bodies, under the command of a Spaniard, Don 
M. Cortes Campomanes, and a French officer, Labattu. 

The envoys, del Real and Pineres, were put into con- 
finement as soon as they reached Panama; and it was 
only by the mediation of the English admiral, that they 
ivere permitted to embark after eight weeks' imprison- 
ment, the viceroy pretending that they were spies. Gutier- . 
rez Moreno succeeded in sending to Garthagena many 
officers and some privateers, which had injured greatly 
the commerce of Spain. Cortes Campomanes reconquer- 
ed the departments of San Benito and Tolu. Labattu 
dispossessed the royalists of San Antonio, El Penon,. 
Guaymaro, and other fortified points on the banks of the 
river Magdalena. 

The island of Mompox is formed by the river Magda- 
lena dividing into two branches, which fall into the Cauca* 
The united streams enter the sea by three mouths, Boca^ 
Vieja, Boca Principal, and the Cienega de Santa Marta. 
The Cienega de Santa Marta is a lake seven leagues long 
and two broad : not far from its banks is the city of 
Santa Marta. Labattu embarked his troops in the lake, 
and having defeated the gun-boats that defeneled it, land- 
ed at the village called Lh Cienega. and advanced to 
Santa Marta, which he took on the 6th of January, lbl3. 



141 

The royalists could now have been easily dispossessed 
of the province of Rio-hacha, which, had it been effected, 
would have firmly established the power of the indepen- 
dents. But Labattu behaved towards the inhabitants of 
Santa Marta in so impolitic a manner, that they revolted 
against him, though there was a considerable party for 
independence. Labattu might have successfully opposed 
the revolt, the harbour, which was protected by a fri- 
gate, many gun-boats, and other ships of war, being 
wholly in his power ; but he thought only of embarking 
for Carthagena, leaving Santa Marta in the power of the 
royalists, who now received reinforcements from Porto- 
belo, Havanna, and Maracaybo. 

The government of Carthagena equipped another ex- 
pedition for the purpose of invading Santa Marta, and 
gave the command of it to Chatillon, a French officer. 
This brave officer attacked the royalists at Papa res ; but 
he was completely repulsed, taken prisoner, and put to 
death. A third expedition was fitted out under Labattu, 
which again failed, and Carthagena then rested satisfied 
with defending the frontiers, and the navigation of the 
river Magdalena, which had before that period been 
much interrupted, and latterly, was quite intercepted by 
the royalists. Nothing of importance occurred from the 
end of 1813 till the middle of 1815, when the civil war 
arose between Bolivar and Castillo, which was succeed- 
ed by General Morillo besieging Carthagena. Before 
this time the privateers bad protected the commerce of 
Carthagena, and the sources of prosperity were again 
opened by means of foreign commerce, and of that car- 
ried on with the interior provinces of Santa Fe de Bogo- 
ta, which enabled the government to recall the paper 
money. 

The city of Carthagena is divided into o parts — the 
city, properly so called, and Gimani. city is sur- 



142 

rounded by a thick, high wall ; Gimani is built in a semi- 
circular form, is fortified in front by a strong wall, and is 
united to the city by a bridge built over the ditch ; both 
sides of the ditch are fortified by staccadoes, which join 
the walls of Gimani to the city. On the east of Cartha- 
gena is built a fort, called San Felipe Barajas, situate on 
a hill overlooking Gimani. The batteries on the hill La- 
popa command the fort, and protect the environs of 
Carlhagena, being about one hundred and fifty yards dis- 
tant. On the north side of Lapopa is a lake, near a 
league in circumference, named Tesca, which communi- 
cates with the ditch of Carthagena, and with the sea on 
the north. The bay of Carthagena is three leagues in 
extent, and is formed by the coast of Boca Grande, the 
island of Bocachica, the island of Baru, and the coast of 
Pasacaballos. By Boca Grande it communicates with 
the sea, and is defended by a fort, but now abandoned, 
because only small ships can enter ; by Bocachica it is 
defended by the forts San Fernando, El Angel, and 
Sanjose ; it communicates likewise with the sea by El 
Cano del Estero, and by the lake Tesca. 

Morillo fixed his head quarters at Turbaco, four leagues 
east of Carthagena, and formed a line on that side of the 
city, between La Costa de la Boquilla and that of Pasa- 
caballos. On the 11th of November, 1816, the royalists 
attacked Lapopa, which was defended by Colonel Soub- 
let ; they likewise made an attack on that part of La 
Costa Grande which was defended by a detachment sta- 
tioned there. At Lapopa they were repulsed with con- 
siderable loss, but succeeded in dispossessing the inde- 
pendents of La Costa Grande. They now placed batte- 
ries at Albornos and Pastelillo ; and by means of gun- 
boats which they had introduced into the bay by El Cano 
del Estero, they intercepted all communication between 
the town and the forts which defended Bocachica, thgs 



143 

depriving the besieged of the means of receiving provi- 
sions, as they had before done, through Boca Grande. The 
city was twice bombarded. 

The government of Carthagena determined, in a gene- 
ral meeting, convened on the 13th of October, to put the 
province under the protection of the English governmentj 
sending despatches to that effect to London, and to the 
governor of Jamaica. Mr. Hislop, an English raerchantj 
was the bearer of them. Provisions failed in the interim 
at Carthagena, and the deaths by famine amounted daily, 
in the beginning of December, to one hundred persons. 
The government resigned all hopes of getting supplies of 
provisions, and resolved to evacuate the city. More thau 
two thousand persons left Carthagena on the 5th of De- 
cember in eleven ships, most of them armed vessels. The 
attack the royalists made upon them being successfully 
opposed, they anchored at Bocachica, and having receiv- 
ed on board the garrison of Bocachica, they again sailed* 
The royalists entered the city the next day. 

I translate the following description from the official 
communication of the Captain-General Montalvo to the 
Spanish government : " The horrible appearance of the 
city is scarcely to be described : the streets, and even 
the houses, were heaped up with dead bodies, or with 
those who were expiring ; the atmosphere was in a pesti- 
lential state, which nearly stopped respiration ; groans 
and lamentations assailed our ears." 

In one of the intercepted letters, dated Carthagena, 
February 28, 1816, Montalvo complains of General Mo 
i^llo not having delivered to him the command of the city 
of Carthagena till the 11th of December, and of having 
emitted until the 6th of January to give him notice of 
some rebels having been arrested at Carthagena after t'le 
capture of the city. Morillo sent to Monfalvo a list of t.,^ 
prisoners, intimating that they ought to be tried by the 



144 

permanent council of the army. Montalvo consulted his 
asyessor Vierna, who gave his opinion that they ought to 
be tried by a common council of war, which was accord- 
ingly assembled, and this council condemned them to 
death. Vierna then advised the captain-general to sus- 
pend the execution of the sentence, which ought to be 
done according to article 3, tilulo 5, trattado 8, de las 
ordenanzas. Montalvo did not approve this counsel. He 
then consulted the Oidores, Jurado, aod Cabrera, who 
were of opinion that, with respect to the manner of pro- 
ceeding in the trial, Vienia had not advised according to 
the laws. Nevertheless, Don M. Castillo, Garcia Toledo, 
Ayos, M. Granados, M. Amador, M. Portocarrero, M. 
Anguiano, M. Angulo, and S. Stewart, were executed on 
the 24th of January. Montalvo assigns many reasons for 
having ordered their execution, adding, that it would have 
been scandalous il these rebels had been sent to Spain, 
when Morillo had ordered the ejiecution of others less 
criminal. He then concludes: " i repeat to your excel- 
lency, that I am perhaps the only chief in Spanish Ame- 
rica whose conduct has been so humane ; these are the 
first rebels whose execution 1 have ordered. Unfortu- 
nately the war now presents so direful an aspect, that it 
is not easy to foresee its termination. All might have 
been prevented in the beginning ; perhaps then to have 
punished the heads of the revolution would have been suf- 
ficient, and peace snight have been restored by a steady 
conduct, politic measures, and mildness in the chiefs, 
which always sooner oi later produce good effects. 

*' 1 had sufficient reason in 1813 and IB 14, when this 
viceroyalty and Venezuela were nearly lost, to have 
treated with severity the cities of Santa Marta and RIo- 
.tacha, whose inhabitants appeared frequently inclined to 
^„%i in the insurrection ; yet, without troops, money, or 
any assistance, 1 was successful in curbing in their infan- 



145 

€y these dispositions for revolt. The royal authorities 
were looked up to with respect, and obeyed, and those 
most inclined to rebellion became faithful subjects : both 
provinces are now much attached to the king's govern- 
ment. All this was effected by perseverance, manage- 
ment, and firmness ; but not one execution did I ever or- 
der. 

" Still, to use clemency with those who have com= 
manded the armies which opposed the sovereign's forces, 
or with those who contributed strongly to overthrow the 
legitimate authorities, and who have supported enthusias- 
tically the revolution, would be, 1 conceive, a most impo* 
lit to step. 

f^MONTALVO.*' 



\B 



146 



PART III. 

REVOLUTION OF BUENOS AYRES AND CHILI. 

CHAPTER I. 

Revolution of Buenos Ayres. — EstahUshment of the junta, 
— War with the royalists. — Divisions in the junta. — 
Siege of Montevideo.— Treaty with the Portuguese. — 
New form of government adopted. — Taking of Monte- 
video. — Expedition of the Buenos Ayres cruisers to the 
South Sea, — Meeting of the Congress, and Declaration 
of Independence. — Invasion by the Portuguese. 

The twenty provinces of Rio de la Plata are bounded 
by the Brazils, Peru, Chili, and Patagonia. Some of 
these are situate on the Andes, and are therefore called 
high provinces. The others in the low country are de- 
nominated low provinces. Tli« high provinces are Moxos 
and Chiquitos, Apolobamba, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, La 
Paz, Cochabamba, Carangas, Misque, Paria, Charcas, 
Potosi, and Atacama ; the low provinces, Tarija, Salta, 
Paraguay, Tucuman, Cordova, Cuyo, Entrerios, Monte- 
video or Banda Oriental, and Buenos Ayres. The popu- 
lation of these provinces amounts to one million three hun- 
dred thousand persons. In Buenos Ayres, which is the 
capital, (here are sixty thousand inhabitants. 

The junta of Buenos Ayres commenced its sessions on 



147 

the 25th of May, 1810. The junta deputed Don J. J. 
Passo to communicate to the people of Montevideo the 
revolution which had taken place in Buenos Ayres. An 
assembly being convened at Montevideo, the people de- 
clared their willingness to support the new government 
of Buenos Ayres ; but the Spaniards, desirous of opposing 
it, landed the troops which were on board the Spanish 
vessels ; and this gave strength to the royal party in the 
town. 

The junta was likewise opposed by the Spanish chiefs 
at Paraguay, Cordova, and Chuquisaca. These chiefs, as- 
sisted by the last viceroys, Don B. H. de Cisneros, and 
the members of the audiencia, had planned to overthrow 
the junta. The ex-viceroy Liniers raised an army of two 
thousand men, and laid waste the environs of the city 
of Cordova, to prevent the approach of the troops of the 
junta. The viceroy and the members of the audiencia 
being discovered to have entered into the plot, were ex- 
iled, and embarked for the Canary Islands. Colonel 
Ocampo was appointed commander of the forces from 
Buenos Ayres, and attacked Liniers, whom he took pri- 
soner. Liniers bad previously been deserted by his own 
troops. Concha, who had been the late governor of Cor- 
dova, Liniers, Allende, Moreno, and Rodriguez, who had 
been the principal opposers of the revolution in that part, 
were all executed on El Monte de los Papagallos, 

Mr. Elliott, commander of an English ship of war, de- 
clared for the royalists, and even opposed the commerce 
of Buenos Ayres. The junia having complained of Mr, 
Elliott's conduct to Lord Strangford, his Britannic ma- 
jesty's ambassador at Rio Janeiro, Mr. Elliott received 
orders to abstain from any interference between the roy- 
alists and the new government. 

The junta of Buenos Ayres, conscious of the advanta- 
ges yvhich would result from the provinces of Chili join-' 



148 

iog in the revolution, sent to Santiago Bon A, A. Jont^y 
a person well acquainted with the inhabitants of that capi- 
tal, with instructions to endeavour to hasten the deposi- 
tion of the Spanish governors. When the revolution look 
place, Jonte remained in Santiago as charge d'affaires 
from the government of Buenos Ajres, and in that ca- 
pacity he succeeded in persuading the junta of Chili to 
give to Buenos Ayres the assistance of 300 troops in one 
©f the critical periods of the last government. 

The army under Ocampo received a considerable rein- 
forcement, with orders to march to the high provinces, £/ 
Alto Peru, v^here the royalists, commanded by Colonel 
Cordova, had assembled. Don A. Balcarce, major-gen- 
eral in Ocampo's army, succeeded in defeating them in 
two different engagements fought at Santiago, Cotagaitya, 
and Tupiza. Cordova and Nieto, who was the president 
of the audiencia of Chuquisaca, vv^ere taken prisoners, and 
shot. In consequence of these victories, the Alto Peru, 
as far as the river Desaguadero, wrhich is the boundary 
of the viceroyalty of Peru and Buenos Ay res, was wholly 
occupied by the army from Buenos Ayres. This army 
was increased to the number of five thousand, and the 
command given to Brigadier Balcarce. Castelli, a mem- 
ber of the junta, accompanied the army as its representa- 
tive, and as general governor of the Alto Peru. 

The army, thus reinforced, was on the eve of invading 
that part of Peru which was governed by the Spanish 
viceroy Abascal ; but the invasion was suspended in con- 
sequence of Castelli receiving proposals from the munici- 
pality of Lima for a suspension of hostilities, that they 
might propose terms of peace ; and the municipality sent 
at the same time the eleven different proposals which 
had been presented to the cortes by the representatives 
of Spanish America ; and holding it for certain that these 
proposals had been acceded to by the cortes, they offered 



149 

them as the basis of terms for peace. Castelli sent the 
communications he received to the junta, and in the mean 
time concluded an armistice with Goyeneche, general of 
the royah'st army. 

Considering all danger removed on the side of Peru, 
the junta sent eight hundred men under Don M. Belgrano 
to oppose Velasco, the Spanish governor of Paraguay, 
vi^ho had raised an army to attack Buenos Ayres. The 
army of Paraguay, commanded by Don N. Yedros, en- 
gaged the troops from Buenos Ayres on the banks of the 
river Tacuari, and defeated them. After this check Bel- 
grano desired to enter into a treaty with Paraguay. A 
conference was held between Yedros and Belgrano : the 
result was, that Belgrano was allowed to retreat without 
molestation. In the following year the inhabitants of La 
Assumpcion del Paraguay deposed the governor Velasco, 
and formed a junta independent of the authority of that 
of Buenos Ayres, but entered into an alliance with it. 

The only powerful enemy the junta of Buenos Ayres 
had now to fear, was Don F. X. Elio, who had been ap- 
pointed by the regency of Spain captain-general of the 
provinces of Rio de la Plata, and ruled in that capacity 
over the province of Montevideo, or La Banda Orientah 
Don J. Artigas, a native of Montevideo, and captain in 
the service of the royalists, having some cause of dissatis- 
faction with the governor of the Colonia del Sacramento, 
determined to abandon the royal cause. He according- 
ly applied to the government of Buenos Ayres in the be- 
ginning of 1811, and obtained assistance of arms and 
ammunition for the purpose of exciting revolt in La Ban- 
da Oriental. The junta ordered, besides, that the troops 
which had withdrawn from Paraguay should proceed to 
La Banda Oriental to co-operate with Artigas, who com- 
manded the guerrillas; and the command of the army 
was given to Rondeau, a South American officer, who 
13* 



150 

liad been made prisoner by the English at Montevideo, in 
1807. He was then brought to England, from whence 
he went to Spain, and served some time in the war in 
the peninsula. Artigas and Rondeau succeeded in de- 
feating, several times, the royalists, and particularly in the 
battle of Las Piedras, in May, 1811, in which the Spa- 
nish troops defending La Banda Oriental were made pri- 
soners, with their chief. The patriots then reached the 
walls of Montevideo, and having received reinforcements 
from Buenos Ay res, they determined to besiege the 
town. 

In the junta there were two parties : Don C. Saave- 
dra, the president of the junta, was at the head of one, 
and Doctor Moreno, the secretary, at the head of the 
other. Moreno accused Saavedra of ambitious views; 
and he, in return, reproached Moreno with being a ring- 
leader of the rabble. Saavedra, wishing to counteract 
Moreno's party, decreed that those who we*-e nominated 
by the provinces to form a general congress should have 
seats in the established junta, whose members thus be- 
came very numerous. This scheme succeeded ; and Mo- 
reno, who did not retain his influence, renounced hig 
place. The junta sent him afterwards as a deputy to 
England, with instructions to ask the protection of the 
British government ; but he died on his passage. 

These dissentions in the junta spread to the army, and 
produced there likewise two parties. The army was eu- 
eamped at Guaqui and Yaraicoragua, and was divided 
into three corps, commanded by Colonels Diasvelez and 
Viamont, and Brigadier Balcarce, who was the command- 
er in chief. Diasvelez and Balcarce had declared foK 
Moreno's party, and Viamont for Saavedra's. Goye- 
neche, conscious of these dissentions, attacked Dias- 
velez on the 20lh of July, 1811, although the armistice 
still existed. Diasvelez, not being supported by the 



151 

®ther divisions, was easily conquered ; and the news of 
his defeat occasioned the dispersion of the remaining 
troops. Goyeneche took possession of El Alto Peru ^ 
and Viamont and Puvre«!on, president of the audiencia 
of Chuquisaca, who had been chosen bj the troops to 
command them in preference to their former leaders, 
withdrew to the province of Salta. 

Goyeneche was not successful in quelling the insur- 
rection in the different provinces which the last victory 
had placed under his command. Cochabamba, Chayan- 
ta, and Santa Cruz de la Sierra, were overrun by bands 
of guerrillas, who greatly molested the royal troops, and 
prevented Goyeneche from proceeding in his victoriuus 
career. Gt)yeneche, enraged at these difficulties, adopt- 
ed the plan of shooting all the prisoners, and every par- 
tisan of the revolution who fell into his power ; but, not- 
"withstanding the general horror which such a measure 
produced, he could not overcome the guerrillas, nor pe- 
netrate into the low country. Saavedra, being appointed 
commander in chief, received orders to raise a new 
army, and accordingly set out with muskets and officers. 

Saavedra's enemies took advantage of his absence to 
get him deposed. They accused him of ambition, arbi- 
trary measures, and, above all, of having biassed the 
junta to decree, on the 6th of April, 1811, the exile of 
Larrea, Pena, Posadas, and others, who opposed the abuse 
of his power. They alleged, in support of a change in the 
form of government, that the junta being too numerous, 
its decisions were slow, and, consequently, inadequate 
to save the country in its present crisis. The munici- 
pality then convened a meeting of the inhabitants in Sep- 
tember of the same year ; and in this meeting it was 
agreed that a new government should be formed, com- 
posed of only three members and two secretaries. Don 
31. Sarratea, Don F, Chiclana, and Don J. J. PassOj were 



152 

elected members of the gjovernment ; Don B. Rivadavia, 
and Don J. Perez, secretaries. Some regulations, known 
by the name oi El Estaiuto, were also made to point out 
to the government the manner and order in which their 
members were to be renewed. According to this regu- 
lation, a meeting, composed of the deputies of the muni- 
cipalities of the provinces, was to be held every six 
months, one member being to vacate his seat at the expi- 
ration of every six months ; and these deputies were ap- 
pointed to elect his successor. The liberty of the press 
was established, and a junta was to be named every year 
to protect it. This junta and the municipality were to 
decide exclusively on any infractions on the liberty of 
the press. 

The siege of Montevideo was carried on successfully 
by Artigas and Rondeau. The captain-general Eiio, 
finding himself unable for a longer resistance, implored 
the protection of the Portuguese government in the Bra- 
zils. All the influence which the Princess Charlotte^ 
sister to Ferdinand the Seventh, had with the minister 
Souza, was exerted on this occasion ; and by her ma- 
nagement the Portuguese government decided to give 
Elio the support of four thousand men. The Princess 
Charlotte assisted Eiio besides with money, and even 
sent him some of her jewels. General Souza, brother 
to the minister, commanded the Portuguese troops ; and 
although they marched to Montevideo, Eiio made propo- 
sals of peace to the government of Buenos Ayres, and 
terms were agreed upon in November, 1811. Accord- 
ing to these terms, the Portuguese were to retire to their^ 
own territory, and the troops from Buenos Ayres were 
to evacuate La Banda Oriental as far as the river Uru- 
guay. The siege of Montevideo was accordingly raised, 
but the Portuguese did not withdraw their troops ; they 



153 

even committed hostilities in the territory of Rio de fa 
Plata. 

The army of Peru suffered at this period another de- 
feat at Rio-Nazareno, near Suipacha ; and G( neral Tris- 
tan, who commanded the vanguard of the royalists, look 
possession of the province of Salta. The government of 
Buenos Ayres was now in a dangerous position, not pos- 
sessing forces sufficient to reinforce the army of Peru,- 
and at the same time oppose the Portuguese. Still Sar- 
ratea was sent against them with four thousand men ; and 
General Belgrano, who commanded in Peru, received 
orders to retire to Tucuman. The Portuguese were 
alarmed at the approach of the troops from Buenos 
Ayres ; and the death of the minister Souza, happening 
at the same period, peace was proposed by his huccessor, 
Count de Las Galveas. Lieutenant-Colonel Redemaker 
was deputed to the government of Buenos Ayres, with 
instructions to conclude an armistice, which was signed 
in June, 1812. In consequence of this armistice, which 
had no specified limitation of time, the Portuguese with- 
drew from the territory of Buenos Ayres ; and amity 
being restored between both governments, they mutually 
guarantied their respective territories. 

A short time before the conclusion of the treaty, a con- 
spiracy against the new government had been discovered 
at Buenos Ayres. The conspirators intended to put to 
death the members of the government, as well as those 
who contributed to support the revolution. Don M. Al- 
zaga, a rich merchant at Buenos Ayres, was the leader of 
the faction. The Portuguese envoy, Redemaker, had 
been solicited to join in the conspiracy ; but, being aware 
of the evils that might attend the plan, he intimated to 
the administration that a scheme was in contemplation, 
which, if carried into effect, might undermine the new 



154 

government. The whole extent of the conspiracy was 
Soon after discovered ; the principal leaders were arrest- 
ed, tried, and condemned to death. Alzaga and twenty 
more, all Spaniards were executed. 

General Belgrano had retired to Tucuman, according 
to the instructions he had received from the government j 
but, being closely pursued by Tristan, he would have 
continued his retrograde movements, had not the inha- 
bitants of Tucuman opposed him. They armed them- 
selves, and obliged him to keep his ground. Tristan then 
attaclsed Belgrano's army on the 24th of September, 
1812; but was compelled to retreat, with the loss of 
eleven hundred men killed, wounded, and prisoners. 
The appellation of Campo del Honor has since designa- 
ted this victorious field. 

Two assemblies were held during this period at Bue* 
nos Ayres, for the purpose of electing two new members 
for the government. The first met on the 6lh of April, 
1812, and nominated for one member, Don J. M. Puyr- 
redon, a very popular character. The assembly pro- 
ceeded to declare that the sovereignty of the province of 
Rio de la Plata rested in itself, and accordingly proposed 
to form a constitution. This was undoubtedly an over- 
stretch of power, and the assembly was dissolved by the 
government. The second assembly met on the 6th of 
October, 1812; and Don M. Medrano was the member 
they then elected. This second assembly seemed re- 
solved to pursue the same steps as the preceding one ; 
but the municipality, people, and troops opposed their 
measures, and the assembly was dissolved by military 
force. A meeting of the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres, 
cahildo abierto, was then convened, on the 8th of Octo- 
ber, 1812 ; and the administration was vested in Don N. 
Pena, Don J. J. Passo, and Don A. A. Jonte. 

The treaty which had been concluded between the 



155 

Captain General Elio, and the government of" Buenos 
Ayres, was now broken ; and the government of Buenos 
Ajres detenoined again to besiege Montevideo. Th^ 
celebrated Monasterio, who was director of the military 
school at Madrid, in the reign of Charles the Fourth, 
supplied the besiegers with cannon from the foundery he 
had erected at Buenos Ayres. Elio was succeeded in 
his command by Don G. Vigodet, who, having received 
a reinforcement of troops from Spain, had great hopes of 
overtunjing the junta of Buenos Ayres. In the middle 
of December, 1812, many divisions of troops had reach- 
ed Montevideo from Buenos Ayres, under the command 
of Rondeau. Vigodet gave them battle on the 31st of 
that month, but was repulsed with considerable loss. 
Nevv reinforcements came from Buenos Ayres. and the 
town was regularly besieged, under the command of Don 
M. Sarratea. Some misunderstanding having, however, 
arisen between Artigas and Sarratea, the officers of the 
array sided with Artigas, and Sarratea was under the ne- 
cessity of quitting the army, and Rondeau assumed his 
command. 

The battle which was lost on the 31st of December, 
did not discourage Vigodet. He proposed to take ad- 
vantage of the superiority of his naval forces, and em- 
barked a considerable number of troops, ordering them 
to land on the coasts of Buenos Ayres, which they did 
at Parana, on the 13th of February, 1813. This land- 
ing was with the intent of procuring provisions, of which 
the besieged stood greatly in need. The government of 
Buenos Ayres, being apprized that these troops had land- 
ed, despatched Colonel San Martin with infantry and 
1 cavalry to oppose them. San Martin having with his 
cavalry come up to the enemy, gave them battle without 
waiting for the infantry, and obtained a complete victory 
at San Lorenzo, on the river Parana. 



156 

The army of Peru bad received a reinforcement, and 
Belgrano had orders to attack the royalists; the battle of 
Salta was, in consequence, fought on the 20th of Febru- 
ary. 18*13, in which the Spanish General Tristan and all 
bis army were made prisoners. Tristan and Belgrano 
had formerly been on terms of intimacy ; and, from this 
consideration, Tristan was allowed to withdraw to Peru 
with his army, previously taking an oath that neither he, 
nor those under his command, should ever again take 
arms against Buenos Ayres. Belgrano's generosity was 
not approved by the government, but disapprobation was 
too late. Tristan and his soldiers had already joined 
the division of troops commanded by Goyeneche, and 
were again preparing to take the field. The result of the 
battle of Salta, was the retaking the provinces of Potosi, 
Charcas, Chayanta, and Cochabaraba. 

The assembly called Constituyente met on the 31st of 
January, 1813. The Constituyente was composed of de- 
puties nominated by the electoral colleges of the towns 
and cities of the provinces of Rio de la Plata. The 
sovereignty of this assembly was personally acknowledg- 
ed by each inhabitant. The government, which had 
hitherto been called gobierno superior ^ changed its appel- 
lation for that of supremo poder executivo. Its members 
were Pena, Perez, and Jonte. The assembly decreed 
that every future child of a slave in Buenos Ayres should 
be free ; and enacted that the slaves from the adjacent 
provinces, and from every part of the world, who might 
come to Rio de la Plata, should immediately receive their 
emancipation. To extend as far as possible the spirit of 
this decree, the government formed a plan for manumit- 
ting a considerable number of slaves, without depriving 
the masters of their property in these slaves, or without 
obliging the government to pay down at once their full 
yalue. The plan did honour to those who had formed it> 



157 

and was worthy of approbation. It stipulated that every 
proprietor of slaves should be compelled to sell to the 
government one of every three slaves; and the price of 
those manumitted was acknowledged as a debt of the state. 
It would have been dangerous for the peace of the coun- 
try, and ruinous to the slaves themselves, to have left 
them masters of their own fate. It was in consequence 
agreed that they should be formed into battalions ; but 
the officers, sergeants, and corporals were to be white 
men. They were to be clothed and fed by the govern- 
ment, and to receive a gratuity of half a Spanish dollar a 
week. 

Some Spaniards at Buenos Ayres, instigated by the 
royalists of Montevideo, planned a new conspiracy to 
overthrow the government. The conspirators were how- 
ever discovered, arrested, and tried ; and four of these un- 
fortunate men were executed. 

In the month of August, 1813, the assembly nominated 
Don G. Pozadas in the place of Don A. A. Jonte, whose 
time for sitting in the government, according to the esta- 
tuto, was now elapsed. The assembly soon after ap- 
pointed commissioners to travel in the provinces, empow- 
ering them to make the necessary reforms, especially in 
the financial department. The commissioners appointed 
were Don X Ugarteche and Jonte, who accordingly set 
out for the interior. 

The army of Peru under Brigadier Pezuela, the succes- 
sor of Goyeneche, and that of Buenos Ayres under the 
command of Belgrano, met al Vilcapugio, in the north of 
Potosi, and there had a desperate eiigagement. Belgrano 
retreated to Ayuma, in the north of Chuquisaca, and, be- 
ing closely pursued by the royalists, a second battle was 
fought at the end of November, 1813. The troops from 
Buenos Ayres were completely defeated, but Pezuela, in 
his official communication to the viceroy of Limaj oifers 
14 



158 

a just tribute of praise to their gallant conduct. The 
royalists became again possessed of El Alto Peru, and 
even of Tarija and Salta. 

These defeats excited great alarm in Buenos Ayres, 
where troops were in a state of requisition, both to rein- 
force the army of Peru, and to carry on the siege of 
Montevideo. The public mind was wavering as to the 
issue of the present contest, and the strength of the go- 
vernment was considerably lessened. Under these cir- 
cumstances the members of the government proposed a 
change which, by concentrating power, should give ad- 
ditional strength. The government of three, which had 
greatly retarded public affairs, was accordingly annulled 
hy the assembly on the 31st December, 1813, and Don G, 
Pozadas appointed to the executive power, receiving the 
appellation of supremo director. Seven members were 
likewise nominated as a council for the supreme director. 
The three secretaries of state were members of this coun- 
cil. 

Colonel San Martin succeeded Belgrano, who was or- 
dered to be tried in consequence of the last defeat. San 
Martin marched to Tucuman with troops and ammunition, 
and there disciplined a new army, which in a few months 
amounted to three thousand five hundred men. He like- 
wise formed the guerillas into different corps; and by 
their means he succeeded in intercepting the communi- 
cation between the different divisions of the I'oyalist 
troops, and in harassing those who foraged ; thus depriving 
the army of provisions, kc. Pezuela was under the ne- 
cessity of abandoning Salta, Tarija, and part of the Alto 
Peru. The guerillas of Cochabamba, which were com- 
manded by the Spaniard Alvarez de Arenales, contributed 
^nuch to these partial successes. 

Doa Juan Larrea, secretary of finances, had formed a 
plan to raise a naval force capable of opposing that of the 



159 

royalists, in which he succeeded. These forces wer^ 
composed of two brigs, three corvettes, and one schooner, 
all armed, and having troops on board ; and were put, 
under the command of Brown, an English merchant at 
Buenos Ayres. Brown sailed with his little flotilla, and 
had an engagement with some Spanish ships, near the 
island of Martingarcia, in the month of April, 1814. No- 
thing decisive followed this engagement; but on the 25th 
of the following May another engagement took place in 
face of Montevideo, in which Brown succeeded in taking 
two corvettes, and in setting fire to two others. The 
remnant of the royal ships escaped, and from this time 
Brown commenced the blockade of Montevideo. 

Some diflference having formerly arisen between Arti- 
gas and Rondeau, the former withdrew his troops from 
the siege. General San Martin's health was impaired, 
and he demanded leave of absence. Rondeau was then 
appointed his successor, and the siege of Montevideo was 
intrusted to Colonel Alvear, who set out with a reinforce- 
ment of troops from Buenos Ayres. Alvear secretly cor- 
responded with some officers of the garrison of Montevi- 
deo, and by them he was informed that the town could 
not hold out long, being in want of provisions. Vigodet 
soon after determined to capitulate. Different envoys 
were sent to the camp of Alvear, and the following arti- 
cles of capitulation were agreed upon : 1st, That the gar- 
rison should be allowed to embark for Spain. 2dly, The 
troops of Buenos Ayres were to take possession of Mon- 
tevideo, till the result of the deputation was known which 
the assembly was intending to send to Spain. Alvear 
then proceeded to take possession of the town, which he 
did in June, 1814. The prisoners amounted to five thou- 
sand five hundred ; eleven thousand muskets were found 
in the town, besides an immense park of artillery and 
military stores. Vigodet was permitted to embark for 



160 

Spain, but the garrison was distributed through the irite- 
rior provinces of Rio de la Plata, excepting those soldiers 
who enlisted in the army. The government consequent- 
ly did not comply with the whole of the capitulation en- 
tered into with the Spaniards ; for which they assigned 
various reasons. One peculiarly deserving of notice was 
their asserted right of retaliation for Tristan and Goyen- 
eche's breach of faith. 

Artigas now demanded that the town of Montevideo 
should be delivered to him, as being chief of La Banda 
Oriental. The government of Buenos Ayres refused to 
accede to this demand ; and to oppose his attempts, 
some divisions of the army were left in that part of the 
country. The command of these corps was given to Co- 
lonel Soler, the newly-elected governor of Montevideo. 

Alvear, taking advantage of the influence which the 
taking of Montevideo had given him, obtained the ap- 
pointment of general in chief of the army of Peru, and 
was already marching to join the army with powerful re- 
inforcements. But Rondeau endeavoured to prevent his 
taking the command, and in this he was seconded by the 
troops. Alvear received the intelligence of the army of 
Peru being against him while he was in the province of 
Cordova, and was obliged to return to Buenos Ayres. He 
now solicited the appointment of supreme director, and 
obtained it in January, 1815, Posadas having previously 
resigned. These transactions gave rise to anarchy. The 
army of Peru refusing to acknowledge Alvear as supreme 
director, a schism arose in the provinces, some declaring 
for Alvear, others for Rondeau. Neither Alvear nor Ron- 
deau, however, committed hostilities against each other ; 
but the communication between Buenos Ayres and many 
of the provinces was actually closed. 

About this period J. Rivera, one of Artigas's generals, 
defeated the troops of Buenos Ayres commanded by Co" 



161 

lonel Dorrego ; and Soler was in consequence ordered to 
withdraw from Montevideo with the remnant of his 
troops. Artigas then took possession of Montevideo, and 
being determined to carry on the war in the province of 
Buenos Ayres, he marched to the town of Santa Fe, which 
he took. Alvear sent two thousand men, under the com- 
mand of Brigadier Viana and Colonel Alvarez, to check 
the progress of Artigas. Alvarez took advantage of this 
appointment to declare against Alvear, and having arrest- 
ed the commander in chief, he openly favoured Artigas's 
plan of overthrowing Alvear. Jonte now arrived from 
the army in Peru with instructions to insist on Alvear re- 
nouncing the supreme authority. Alvear at last acknow- 
ledged that he could no longer rule a people whom his 
ambition for power had displeased, and withdrew from 
the city, sending in his resignation. The people collect- 
ed in crowds, and having been informed of the determi- 
nation of Alvarez, who was returning to Buenos Ayres, 
loudly exclaimed against Alvear. This revolt took place 
on the 15th of April, 1815. 

A public meeting of the inhabitants was convened, and 
there the authority of Alvear, and even that of the assem- 
bly, were disowned. The municipality was in conse- 
quence intrusted with the supreme command. Alvear 
retired to the distance of one league from the city, where 
the troops were assembled, and still remained under his 
command. It was reported that he intended to attack 
the city, and accordingly the municipality ordered every 
citizen to arms, and likewise ordered the arrest of Al- 
vear's wife, and of Larrea, and other members of the 
assembly. Deputies were now sent to Alvear to persuade 
him to resign the command of the troops, in which they suc- 
ceeded. An accommodation accordingly took place, and 
Alvear was allowed to embark in an English frigate com- 
14* 



162 

manded by the Honourable Captain Percy, who offered 
his services as mediator and guarantee on this occasion. 

The municipality formed a junta which was called de 
ohservacion. The legislative power was vested in this 
junta, and a new estatuo, or provincial constitution, pub- 
lished. Rondeau was at the same time nominated by the 
municipality supreme director of the state ; but Ron- 
deau's military command attaching him to the army. Co- 
lonel Alvarez was appointed his substitute. The atten- 
tion of the new government was fixed on the trial which 
was shortly to take place of the members who had com- 
posed the late administration. The newspapers were fill- 
ed with invectives against them ; secret accusations be- 
came frequent, and the number of persons arrested 
amounted to more than twenty. Colonel Paillardel was 
tried and condemned to death. The sentence passed 
upon him was enforced, but it highly displeased the inha- 
bitants of Buenos Ayres ; and the new government in con- 
sequence contented itself with the exile of those who still 
remained in their power. 

Brown, who had obtained the rank of admiral after the 
capture of Montevideo, now proposed to sail, with the na- 
val forces under his command, for the South Seas, where 
he would have the opportunity of greatly annoying the 
Spanish commerce. The government acquiesced in this 
scheme, and Brown's flotilla sailed accordingly at the end 
of the year 1815. This naval expedition was at first 
crowned with much success, but Brown's ship running on the 
sands near the coast of Guayaquil, it was captured by the 
Spaniards. Fortunately the new governor of Guayaquil, 
who was on his way from Paynama, had been taken pri- 
soner some days before by Brown's cruisers, and an ex- 
change was proposed and accepted. Brown captured 
many ships during his station in the South Seas ; he 
seat some of them to Buenos Ayres, and at length sailed 



163 

in the Hercules for the North Sea, having on board a ricB 
booty. A British ship of war, the Brazen, captured 
Brown in his voyage to North America, and carried his 
ship into Antigua, which was condemned under pretence 
that she had violated the laws of navigation. 

When the members of the administration had removed 
those whom they considered adverse to their views, they 
turned their attention to Arligas, who still held possession 
of Santa Fe, An expedition was sent, under the com- 
mand of Viamont, to dispossess him of the town ; he 
attacked Artigas, but was defeated and made prisoner. 
Some time after, the army of Peru was beaten by the 
royalists under Pezuela, who had received reinforcements 
from Spain. This was the battle of Sipe-sipe, fought in 
November, 1815 ; and in consequence of which Charcas, 
Potosi, and Tarija, fell a third time into the power of the 
royal forces. 

Alvarez convoked a new congress of the representa- 
tives of the province, but, before it assembled, a popular 
commotion dispossessed him of the supreme command, 
which he then held in consequence of Rondeau's ab- 
sence. Balcarce was then appointed supreme director, 
but he was soon after removed, and the administration 
placed in the hands of a committee. The new congress 
which had assembled in Tucuman proceeded immediate- 
ly to appoint a supreme director. The nomination fell 
on Don J. M. Puyrredon, who is in high estimation in that 
country ; and he assumed the reins of government, to 
the great joy of the inhabitants, already wearied by re- 
peated revolutions. Puyrredon gave the command of 
the army of Peru to General Belgrano, and sent rein- 
forcements to. the troops which, under San Martin, were 
defending the frontiers of Buenos Ayres which border on 
Chili. 

The congress announced the independence of the pro- 



164 

vincesof Rio de la Plata, on the 9th of July, 1816. The 
following is their formal declaration of independence : 

" We, the representatives of the united provinces of 
Rio de la Plata, assembled in a general congress, implor- 
ing the Supreme Being, who presides over the universe, 
calling on heaven, earth, and men, to witness the justice 
of our cause, in the name and by the authority of the 
people we represent, do declare solemnly, that it is the 
unanimous will of the said provinces to break off all ties 
which united them to the kings of Spain, to be reinstated 
in all those rights of which they were deprived, and thus 
to be raised to the high rank of an independent and free 
nation, capable henceforth of forming for themselves such 
a government as justice and circumstances imperiously 
call for. We are, therefore, empowered by the united 
provinces at large, and by each one separately, to de- 
clare and engage, that they will support this independ- 
€nce. Their lives, property, and fame, shall be their 
guarantee. 

" Out of respect for the nations whom our fate may in- 
terest, and feeling the necessity of declaring the weighty 
reasons which impel us thus to act, we decree, that a 
manifesto shall be published. 

" Given in the hall of our sessions, signed by our own 
hand, sealed with the seal of the congress, and witnessed 
fey our secretaries. 

" F. N. DE LAPRIDAS, President. 
" M. BOEDO, Vice-President. 

"J.M.SERRANO,) secretaries." 
"J. J. PASSO, S 

Portugal long since formed the plan of extending her 
American possessions as far as Rio de la Plata. Since 
the emigration of the royal family, this plan had been 
frequently reconsidered ; and it was on that account that 



165 

the Portuguese government so eagerly seized the oppor- 
tunity of sending out an expedition, when Elio implored 
its aid in 1811. Among those banished from Buenos 
Ayres, in consequence of the revolution on the 15th of 
April, 1815, there were many who encouraged the Por- 
tuguese to pursue their favourite plan ; namely, Alvear, 
Garcia, and Herrera. They sent for troops to Lisbon, 
and an encampment was made at Rio Grande. When 
the troops had assembled to the number of ten thousand 
men, the Portuguese general Lecor invaded the Banda 
Oriental on two diflferent sides. One part of his troops, 
under the command of General Curado, took the road of 
Las Missiones de los Guaranies, the other part took pos- 
session of the fort Santa Teresa, Rocha, San Carlos, and 
Maldonado. General Lecor had fixed his head quarters 
at the last port in December, 1816. 

Artigas determined to oppose the invaders. He is tlie 
friend of independence ; as a proof of which, he refused 
the offers of the Spanish government, which would have 
made him brigadier, to induce him to espouse the royal 
cause. Artigas is considered as an oracle by his country- 
men, and great hopes of success are entertained from his 
opposition. He obtained at first some advantages over 
the division commanded by Curado ; but General Lecor 
having advanced to Montevideo, the garrison evacuated 
that place, and the municipality sent a deputation to of- 
fer to him the keys of the town. Lecor entered Monte- 
video on the 20th of January, 1817, and he still possess- 
ed it in May last, though greatly harassed by Artigas's 
guerillas, who occupy the country around, and prevent 
the town from being supplied with provisions from the 
interior. These guerillas have lately dislodged the Por- 
tuguese from the battery called Del Cerro, which com= 
mands the town and the bay. The military operations 
of the Portuguese have besides been checked by the in- 



166: 

surrection which broke out in Pernambuco in last April, 
and by the hostile preparations of the government of 
Buenos Ayres, which, by the last accounts, was about to 
act against them. 

The army which protected the boundaries betwees 
the provinces of Rio de la Plata and Chili, crossed the 
Andes about the middle of January, and took possession 
of the provinces of Chili, after having defeated the roy- 
alists in many encounters. About the same time the 
royal army in Peru, suffering much from diseases and 
want of provisions, began to abandon the advantageous 
positions it had taken up in the valley of Tujui. One of 
the divisions of the royalists was then defeated at Yam- 
paraes. After this check the whole army was retreating 
to Potosi, and one of the divisions of the independents, 
under the command of Colonel Gueraes, attacked its rear- 
guard in Humagua, and took three hundred prisoners and 
six pieces of artillery. 



167 



CHAPTER II. 

Revolution of Chili. — Meeting of the congress.-— Enacts- 
ments of the congress. — Dissolution of the congress by the. 
junta. — Invasion by the royalist troops from Lima. — • 
Intermediate events, and ultimate favourable success of the 
royalist expedition. — The country again got possession of 
hy the patriots from Buenos Ayres, under General San, 
Martin, 

THE captain-generalship of Chili is situate between 
the Andes and the Pacific Ocean ; bounded on the north 
by Peru, on the east by the provinces of Rio de la Plata, 
and on the south by Arauco, from which it is separated 
by the river Biobio. It contains a population of eight 
hundred thousand persons, who inhabit the two intenden- 
cias of Santiago and La Concepcion.* The population 
of Santiago, which is the capital, exceeds forty thousand 
persons. 

The inhabitants of Santiago compelled the Captain- 
general Carrasco, on the 18th of July, 1810, to resign 
his command ; and Count de la Conquista was appointed 
to succeed him. Under the adnii^tration of the count, 
a plan for revolution was developed, and the most re- 
spectable landholders, being called together by the cap- 
tain-general, assembled in the hall of the consulado, oa 
the 18th of September, 1810. This assembly, taking 
into consideration the existing situation of the peninsula, 
appointed those whom, upon mature deliberation, they 

* The principal provinces of these intendencias are, Gopiapo, 
Coquimbo, Guasco, Quillota, Aconcagua, Santiago, MelipilJa, 
Valparaiso, Raocagua, Talca, Chilian, Laxa, and Concepcioi 
de Penco. 



16S 

judged most proper to form a new government more suit- 
able to existing circumstances. The president of the 
new government was the Count de la Conquista. 

The junta of Chili summoned deputies to form a con^' 
gress, and for this purpose they circulated the act pre- 
scribing the method to be pursued by the municipalities 
in the election of representatives. The people of Santi- 
ago assembled on the 1st of April, 1811, that they might 
elect the representatives for that capital ; and a detach- 
ment of troops was stationed in the square of the consula- 
doto preserve order. This detachment belonged to the 
battalion of infantry of La Concepcion, which was entire- 
ly devoted to Don J. Figueroa, a Spaniard, who now 
commanded it. Figueroa, though employed by the 
junta, and generally considered as attached to the revo- 
lutionary party, bad, in truth, raised a faction against it ; 
and, taking advantage of the circumstances attending the 
election, renounced his allegiance to the junta. A skir- 
mish ensued between the partisans of Figueroa and the 
troops that were still faithful lo the junta. Fifty-six men 
were killed in this engagement ; but victory declared for 
the junta. The principal conspirators were seized and 
banished ; Figueroa was executed, the audiencia dissolv- 
ed, and a court called de apelacion established in the 
place of the audier f?i% 

Remonstrances were made against the number of mem- 
bers forming the congress, which was considered too 
numerous. It was likewise asserted that many members 
had been elected in an illegal manner. The elections 
had, in fact, been made by the people, but according to 
the act passed by the junta, filling the number of repre- 
sentatives to be sent by each municipality. The result 
of the election thus made was, that there was no propor- 
tion between the population of some towns, and the num- 
ber of representatives allowed them by the act. Three 



169 

brothers, named Carrera, sons of a wealthy landholder in 
Santiago, put themselves at the head of the discontented, 
among whom were the military stationed in that city, 
and loudly called for reform ; this happened in Septem- 
ber, 1811. The necessity of reform was acknowledged, 
and tranquillity was restored, by the congress promising 
that Santiago should, in future, have only half their for- 
mer number of representatives, and that those from La 
Concepcion should be newly elected. These promises 
were complied with, and this reform having taken place 
in the congress, its sessions were resumed and opened by 
their decreeing that the Spaniards, who were disaflfected 
to the new government, should leave the country within 
six months ; this time was allowed them to dispose of 
their property. A recapitulation is made in this decree 
of the causes which induced Chili to form a separate go- 
vernment ; and the dififerent conspiracies are likewise 
enumerated which the Spaniards had planned to over- 
throw it. The, congress enacted besides that the curates 
should no longer receive any emolument from their pa- 
rishioners, for the performance of their clerical duties ; 
but the public treasury was to provide for their support. 
The future children of slaves were declared free; and 
those slaves who should come to Chili were to become 
freemen at the end of six months. Liberty of commerce 
was likewise decreed, with a £ew exceptions, which 
were deemed necessary for the protection of a manufac- 
tory which they had in Chili for baize, and another for 
coarse hempen cloth. In the municipalities were many 
who occupied places purchased of the government, which 
was established by the laws of the Indies; but the con- 
gress annulled the ancient law on this subject, and de 
creed that the municipalities should henceforth be com» 
posed of members annually elected. Many offices under 
the administration, which were considered useless, were 
16 



. no 

suppressed, and even the salaries of those who retained 
their places reduced. A manufactory of firearms, a 
mathematical school, and a military school, styled artil-' 
leria practica, were likewise established. The junta 
was invested with nearly the same powers which the 
captain-general of Chili had possessed before the revolu- 
tion ; the congress, however, retained that of giving com- 
missions to superior officers in the army. Ferdinand's 
head was still continued on the coin ; and, notwithstand- 
ing the inclination of the congress to break the chain which 
linked Chili to the mother country, Abascal, the viceroy 
of Lima, remained yet on terms of amity with the con- 
gress. 

The Honourable Mr. Fleming, brigadier in the Spa^ 
nish service, touched at Chili, in his way to Lima, on 
the 27th of July, 1811. Mr. Fleming, during his stay in 
Valparaiso, addressed many letters to the congress, in 
which he asked, in the name of the Spanish government, 
that deputies should be sent to the cortes. Having reach- 
ed Lima, he again addressed the congress in a letter 
dated the 3d of October, 1811. In this letter he advises the 
congress to give up all hopes of success in the objects they 
were aiming at, for the British cabinet, he said, highly dis- 
approved of the revolution. This assertion was, however, 
officially contradicted by Lord Strangford, the British 
ambassador at Rio Janeiro, in a letter addressed to the 
government of Buenos Ay res, on the 13th of September, 
1813, by order, and in the name of the British govern- 
ment. 

The Carreras, being encouraged by the happy result 
j/^n the 4th of September, formed a plan for placing them- 
selves at the head of the government. One of them was 
major in the grenadiers, another a captain in the artillery. 
Having succeeded in gaining an ascendency over the men 
in their diflferent corps, they put themselves at the head 



171 

of the troops on the loth of November, 1811, and com- 
pelled the congress to depose the members which com- 
posed the junta, and to nominate in their stead three new 
members, one of whom was Don J. M. Carrera. The 
junta decreed that a new regiment of cavalry, which was 
called gran guardia nacional, should be formed ; and J. 
M. Carrera was appointed colonel of it, that they might 
the better succeed in keeping their usurped power. Thus" 
strengthened, the junta proceeded to dissolve the congress, 
which they did on the "id of December, 1811. 

The new junta was entirely biassed by the Carreras,, 
to whom the young military were likewise devoted^ 
They ruled without control ; and, notwithstanding the ac- 
knowledgment of king Ferdinand which had been made 
by the preceding government, they changed the Spanish 
for a tri-coloured flag. The Carreras did not peaceably 
enjoy their usurped power ; they were threatened with 
four conspiracies, which however they succeeded in sup- 
pressing. Diflferences likewise arose between the bro- 
thers, which induced J. M. Carrera to withdraw from the 
government, and the administration rested for a time 
solely with his associates ; but a reconciliation having ta- 
ken place between them, J. M. Carrera resumed his for- 
mer situation on the 27th October, 1812. 

The viceroy of Lima, availing himself of the discord 
that reigned at Chili, ordered Brigadier Pareja to attack 
the country with a body of troops. Pareja landed, in the 
beginning of the year 1813, on the shore of Sanvicente, 
not far from the port of Talcahuano, which he attacked 
and took possession of without much resistance. He then 
advanced as far as the city of La Concepcion, where his 
army was strengthened by the garrison there stationed 
declaring for him. Pareja's forces amounted to nearly 
4,000 men, and they continued their march towards the 



17S 

^aule, a river which serves as a boundary to the inteQ> 
dencias of Santiago and La Concepcion. 

Intelligence being received of Pareja's invasion, J. M. 
Carrera left bis brother Don Juan Jose in his place in the 
government, and marched into the field at the head of six 
thousand men. Carrera approached the royalists, and, in 
the night of the 12th April, sent a detachment of troops 
with the object of surprising their encampment at Yerbas- 
buenas. This scheme succeeded, and the royalists suf- 
fered severely at first ; but recovering from their surprise^ 
and the patriots being but a small detachment from the 
army, they made great havoc in it. Pareja was neverthe- 
less deterred from continuing the campaign, and retired 
to Chilian, where he fortified himself. The garrisons left 
by Pareja in Talcahuano and La Concepcion were incon- 
siderable, and their chiefs escaped to Peru at the approach 
of the patriots, who thus recovered those places. 

The junta now sent Juan J. Carrera to the army, and 
were thus freed from the influence of both brothers. J. 
M. Carrera's place was filled by another. The junta then 
consisted of Don J. A. Perez, Don A. Eyzaguirre, and 
Don M. Infante, and they determined to hold their ses- 
sions nearer to the theatre of war, in the town of Talca^ 
situate on the Maule, where they might better watch over 
the safety of the country. The army continued under the 
command of J. M, Carrera, who ruled without control 
over the country where his troops were stationed ; but 
the people growing weary of his despotism, as well as of 
the devastation committed by his army, openly declared, 
throughout the whole intendencia of La Concepcion, for 
the royalists. Carrera proved himself likewise an unskil- 
ful general, and the government determined to remove 
him. Colonel O'Higgins was then appointed commander 
in chief of the army, and Colonel M'Kenna second in 



173 

tommand. These appointments were made on the 24th 
of November, 1813. Carrera refused to resign his com- 
mand, but the army declaring for O'Higgins, he was 
obliged to yield ; and returning afterwards to Santiago, 
accompanied by his brother Luis, both were made pri- 
soners by a detachment of royalists, and conducted to 
Chilian. 

The royal forces remained at Chilian nearly a year, 
during which period no engagement of consequence took 
place. Brigadier Gainza brought reinforcements from 
Lima, and took the command of the army, in consequence 
of the death of Pareja. The troops from Chili were di- 
vided into two brigades ; the one, commanded by O'Hig- 
gins, was at La Concepcion ; the other, under the com- 
mand of M*Kenna, was encamped at El Membrillal, four 
leagues from Chilian. This brigade Gainza attacked on 
the 19th pf March, 1814, and was repulsed with loss^ 
Another engagement took place on the following day be* 
tween Gainza and O'Higgins, who came to the support 
of M'Kenna ; and here again the royalists suffered se- 
verely. But, notwithstanding this last check, Gainza de- 
termined to march against Santiago, which was almost 
defenceless ; and O'Higgins's troops being in want of 
cavalry, strengthened his hopes of success, for they were 
in consequence unable to keep up with the rapidity of 
Gainza's movements. The royal troops took the road to 
Santiago, and had already crossed the Maule, sixty leagues 
from that capital, when O'Higgins encamped on the op- 
posite side of the river. In the night O'Higgins quitted 
the camp, but without destroying the encampment, and 
crossed the Maule. At daybreak Gainza was so mucH. 
surprised at seeing an encampment before him, and an 
army in his rear, that he gave up his plan, and changed 
his position. He retired to Talca, which town he had 
taken some days before. O'Higgins then opened a eom- 
15* 



174 

munication with Santiago, and intercepted that of the 
enemy with Chilian. 

The capture of Talca by the royalists was attributed 
to a want of energy in the junta ; the members of which 
had returned to Santiago some days before, withdrawing 
from Talca part of the garrison to escort them in their 
way. A revolution in consequence took place in Santia- 
go, the junta was dissolved, and the government vvas in- 
trusted to Don F. de la Lastra, who was then governor of 
Valparaiso ; and he was styled supreme director. Cap- 
tain Hillyar, of his Britannic majesty's frigate the PhoebCj 
arrived at that time from Lima with instructions from the 
viceroy to propose terms of accommodation to the go- 
vernment of Chili. Lastra called a meeting of the princi- 
pal persons at Santiago, to announce to them Captain 
Hillyar's mission ; and it was agreed that the supreme 
director should propose terms of capitulation to the Span- 
ish general Gainza. The capitulation was concluded on 
the 6th of May, 1814. It was stipulated that Gainza 
should re-embark for Lima, with his troops, within two 
months ; that he should leave the places he then occupied 
in the province of La Concepcion in the same state of mili- 
tary defence as he had found them ; that the viceroy of 
Lima should acknowledge the government of Chili, and 
all the innovations which it had made ; and that Chili 
should send' a certain number of deputies to Spain, who 
were to have seats in the cortes. Two colonels were 
given as hostages on. each side, and peace was for a time 
restored ; but Gainza delayed to comply with the articles 
©f the treaty, under various pretences^ until General Oso- 
jto arrived with reinforcements from Lima. 

J. M. Carrera and his brother Luis had made their es- 
cape from Chilian, and were earnestly employed in giv- 
ing new energy to their party. By means of their parti- 
tans^ the GaireiEas succeeded in bjibing the troops sta^ 



175 

tioned at Santiago, and deposed Lastra on the 23d or 
August, 1814. They re-established the junta, and Don 
J. M. Carrera, Don M. Munos Ursua, and Don J. Urive 
were the members elected. Though the inhabitants oi 
Santiago had no particular attachment for Lastra, they 
highly disapproved of this new revolution, which had 
again placed the Carreras at the head of the governnient ;, 
and the return of General O'Higgins, who was in Talca 
with his army, was immediately desired. O'Higgins 
marched towards the capital ; and a few skirmishes took 
place soon after between his and Carrera's troops ; and 
they were on the eve of engaging in a decisive battle, 
when a person deputed by General Osorio,^ who had suc- 
ceeded Gainza in the command of the royal army, arrived 
at Santiago. This deputy announced that the viceroy 
Abascal disapproved of the capitulation. 

The present danger of the country put an end to the 
civil war. O'Higgins, to stop discord, submitted to the 
authority of the junta. Carrera made new regulations in 
the army, being desirous of displacing those whom he 
considered obnoxious to him ; and he therefore dismissed 
a considerable number who happened to be the very best 
officers in the service. Discontent arose among the sol- 
diers, and innumerable, desertions took place. Carrera 
retired to Santiago, leaving the army under the command 
of O^Higgins. General Osorio, at the head of four 
thousand men, advanced as far as Cachapual, when 
O'Higgins shut himself up at Rancagua^ twenty three 
leagues from Santiago, and was there besieged. Osorio 
attacked the town, and an engagement ensued which, 
lasted thirty six hours. During the engagement Carrera 
approached the town with reinforcements, and Osoria 
was already moving to recross the Cachapual, leaving 
two hundred men engaged with the patriots to cover his 
asetEeat, Carrem> notwithstanding^ did not eatei the. 



176 

town, and fell back on Santiago, and then Osorio return- 
ed to the attack. O'Higgins, having lost two thirds of 
his troops, determined to evacuate the town, and, opening 
to himself a way through the h'nes of the enemy, was re- 
tiring to the capital with two hundred of his dragoons, 
but he was obliged to alter his plan on account of the 
conduct of the Ciarreras. 

The Carreras thought only of escaping, though they 
had und^r their command in Santiago fifteen hundred 
troops. Many depredations were committed by the 
soldiers before they quitted the capital, the inhabitants of 
which, being exasperated at such conduct, assembled, 
and sent deputies to Osorio, calling for his support to re- 
establish order. In the mean time more than two thou- 
sand emigrants from Chili arrived at Mendoza, the boun- 
dary of Chili and Buenos Ayres, and among them six 
hundred troops under J. M. Carrera. Gsorio took, with- 
out opposition, Santiago, Valparaiso, and other prrncipal 
towns; and thus the captain-generalship of Chili fell 
again into the power of the king's forces at the end of 
October, 1814. Many persecutions, arrests, and punish- 
ments followed ; and a great number of patriots were 
sent to the desert island of Juan Fernandez, one hundred, 
and twenty leagues from the coasts 

To prevent the roj^alists from pursuing their success, 
the government of Buenos Ayres sent to Mendoza some 
troops, which were united to those which had withdrawn 
from Chili, under the command of Brigadier San Miirtin. 
These troops were gradually increased to the number of 
four thousand, which San^ Martin took great care to dis- 
cipline. Thus prepared, and being aware of the dis- 
content which reigned throughout ali the provinces ofL 
Chili in consequence of the oppressive conduct of the 
Spanish governors, he invaded the country about the 
Bikldle of January, 1817. The army was divided mt^ 



177 

two bodies, one of which was commanded by Briga- 
dier Don E. Soler, and the other by Brigadier O'Higgins. 
The obstacles which opposed the crossing of the Andes, 
and the enemy fortified in the principal defiles, being 
overcome, the patriots occupied Aconcagua, Santarosa, 
and other points on the high road, which the enemy had 
abandoned. The royalists took up their position in 
Chacabuco, a hill of difficult access, which overlooks the 
plain of Santarosa, and through which passes the only 
road to Santiago, from which city it is thirteen leagues 
distant. San Martin, without waiting for the arrival of 
his artillery, attacked them on the morning of the 12th of 
February, and, notwithstanding their numerous cavalry, 
and fifteen hundred good infantry, dislodged them from 
their positions, killed six hundred, and made about the 
same number prisoners. The remaining troops dispersed, 
and the captain-general Marco, who commanded in the 
battle, was made prisoner near Valparaiso. San Martia 
advanced to Santiago, where a congress of the principal 
inhabitants now assembled, which elected the same Ge- 
neral San Martin as supreme director of Chili. He, how- 
ever, refusing to accept that appointment, the congress 
elected Brigadier O'Higgins, who at present rules ovex 
that country. The glorious success of this campaign, 
which has placed all the provinces of Chili in the posses- 
sion of the patriots, is in great part the result of the wise 
measures and uncommon activity of General San Martii^ 



178 



PART IV. 

THE REVOLUTION IN MEXICO. 



€onclmion of the whole, — Commencement of the revolution, 
in the town of Dolores, instigated by the priest Hidal- 
go. — He marches against Mexico with one hundred 
thousand men. — Battle of Aculco. — Hidalgo retreats to 
Guadalaxara^-'-Battle of El Puente de Calderon,--^ 
Hidalgo made prisoner with his staffs. — Rayon, a laW' 
yer, forms a junta in Zitaquaro. — Capture ofZitaquara 
by CallejaSf and his decree to destroy the town. — VictO' 
Ties of the patriot Morelos, — Siege of Quautla Amilpas 
hy Calleja. — Subsequent operations ofMorelos. — Assein^ 
hling of the congress. — Morelos made prisoner.— -Inter' 
cepted documents. — Last events. — -Conclusion. 

The viceroyalty of New Spain is divided into two cap- 
tain-generalships and two comandancias generales. The 
captain-generalships are Mexico and Yucatan. The 
comandancias generales are, provincias internas orientales 
and provincias internas occidentales. The authority of 
the viceroy extends through the whole viceroyalty, 
thpugh in military affairs the captain-general of Yucatan 
acts independently of him. The viceroyalty is subdi- 
vided into twelve intendencias, which are Mexico, Pue- 
bla, Oaxaca, Vera Cruz, Merida de Yucatan, Guadalaxa- 
la, Goanaxoato^ Durango, San Luis Potosi, Sonora, Val- 



179 

ladolid de Mechoacan, and Zacatecas. The corregimi- 
ento de Q,ueretaro and the gobierno de TIascala are iu 
the viceroyalty of New Spain, but are distinct territories, 
and not comprehended in the division of the twelve in- 
tendencias. The population of Mexico amounts to six 
millions ; that of the capital alone to one hundred and 
forty thousand. 

Mexico had enjoyed an apparent tranquillity since the 
conspiracy of the Spaniards against the viceroy Iturriga- 
ray. The central junta had placed the civil power of 
the viceroyalty in the hands of the archbishop, who was 
universally beloved on account of his moderate and mild 
conduct. Iturrigaray had been deposed merely because 
he appeared to favour the plan of establishing a junta for 
the government of the viceroyalty when Spain was inva- 
ded by the French, and deprived of a monarch's sway* 
The Spaniards, who had defeated Iturrigaray's plan, 
were become unpopular from intoxication of success ; 
when, to increase their delirium, intelligence arrived that 
the central junta had lavished on them the highest ho- 
nours. 

The situation in which the Mexicans found themselves 
became insupportable when the good archbishop was re- 
moved from his command; and the members of the 
audiencia, whom they considered as their most violent 
enemies, appointed to succeed him in his government, as 
viceroy, until the arrival of Don J. Venegas, who was 
nominated viceroy by the regency of Cadiz. 

When Iturrigaray was deposed, the troops, which were 
constantly stationed between Mexico and Vera Cruz ia 
time of war, to prevent any attack on the coast from the 
British cruisers, were ordered into the interior. The 
cavalry regiment de la Reyna was sent to Queretaro, 
Three captains, AUende, Aldama, and Abasolo, who 
served in that regiment, were natives of San Miguel eJ 



180 

Grande, a town near Goanaxoato, more than seventy- 
leagues north of Mexico, and friends of Don Miguel Hi- 
dalgo y Costilla, a resident clergjanan or curate, in the 
town of Dolores, which is situate near San Miguel el 
Grande and Goanaxoato, in the intendencia of Goanaxo- 
ato, Hidafgo enjoyed a valuable living in Dolores, and 
was a man of distinguished talents, and better informed 
than the generality of the clergy in New Spain. He 
had gained the affection of the Indians, whom he had 
taken great care to instruct. Having observed the dis- 
like to the Spaniards which reigned throughout the vice- 
royalty, Hidalgo, it is said, laid apian for an insurrection, 
and the revolt was to take place in all the provinces of 
New Spain, on the 1st of November, 1810. Allende, 
Aldama, and Abasolo readily joined him, and their ac- 
tivity in disseminating discontent was wonderful ; they 
made strong representations on every circumstance which 
could tend to alienate the minds of the natives from 
Spain. The plan was approaching to maturity, and its 
partisans were numerous, when Iturriaga, a canon of 
Valladolid, one of the conspirators, discovered on his 
deathbed all the plan to Gil, a priest residing at Q,uere- 
taro. The information thus received was sent to some 
of the members of the audiencia, which was at that time 
divided into two parties. The members who received 
this intelligence concealed it from the others, and pri- 
vately advised the Spaniards of Queretaro to act with 
respect to the Corregidor, falsely accused of being at 
the head of the conspiracy, as the Spaniards of Mexico 
had with Iturrigaray two years before. The corregidor 
Dominguez, was accordingly watched, attacked in the 
dead of the night, and seized in his bed. This arrest 
spread alarm among the principal conspirators, who, 
dreading the discovery of their plan, determined to 
hasten its execution. Captain Allende was at that time 



181 

rn San Miguel el Grande, and having assembled a few 
soldiers who were attached to him, he set out for Do- 
lores, where he arrived on the 14th of September, 1810, 
having obtained eight hundred recruits in his march. Ob 
the same day Hidalgo preached a sermon to the Indians. 
His object was to point out the tyranny of the Euro- 
peans, the state to which the treachery of the Spaniards 
had reduced the peninsula, and the danger the South 
Americans were in of being delivered up to the French 
or the British, who would assuredly extirpate the holy 
Catholic religion. Hidalgo ended his discourse with 
calling his Indians to arms ; and to arms they flew with 
fury. AUende appeared by the side of Hidalgo, and 
they unitedly led the mob to San Miguel el Grande, 
where they pillaged the houses of the Spaniards, Two 
squadrons of the cavalry regiment de la Reyna joined 
Hidalgo, who immediately proceeded to the town of 
Zelaya, where the greater part of the regiment of in- 
fantry called de Zelaya, as well as part of the horse re- 
giment det Principe, joined likewise in the insurrection^ 
Hidalgo proceeded next to the wealthy town of Goa= 
naxoato, sixty leagues west north-west of Mexico, and 
whose inhabitants exceed eighty thousand persons. 

Riano, the intendant of Goanaxoato, prepared to op- 
pose Hidalgo ; but the battalion of infantry stationed 
there having declared for the independents, Riano and 
nearly two hundred Spaniards retired to the building call- 
ed La Alhondiga, ffom whence they fired on the assailants. 
But the Spaniards b^ing compelled to yield, Goanaxoato 
fell on the 29th of September into the power of Hidalgo, , 
who there found in the treasury five millions in cash and 
bar silver. 

The viceroy Venegas, who had arrived at Mexico on 
the 16th of September, called a meeting of the principal 



182 

persons in the city, and in this assembly the honours grant- 
«d by the regency to the enemies of Ituirigaray were 
publicly proclaimed. When intelligence reached the 
new viceroy of the progress Hidalgo had made, he de- 
spatched troops under the command of Count de la Cadena 
to defend Queretaro, an important military point forty- 
two leagues distant from Mexico. Qperetaro is a towh 
containing eighty thousand persons, who all favoured the 
insurrection, and were desirous of placing Hidalgo at their 
head; which the viceroy prevented by having, oppor- 
tunely for the royal cause, introduced Spanish troops into 
the town. On the 23d of September Venegas issued a 
proclamation, in which he attempted to restore tranquilli- 
ty, by observing that the Americans were now placed on 
sn equal footing with the Spaniards by the decree of the 
central junta, on the 15th of October, 1809, and promised 
that the cortes should shortly take into consideration the 
reforms necessary for the prosperity of Spanish America. 

Hidalgo commenced the exercise of bis new power by 
repealing the tax called tributos, which the Indians had 
paid ever since the conquest ; and this measure fixed their 
decision to join Hidalgo, to whose army crowds of Indians 
flocked from every part of Mechoacan. Venegas formed 
corps of guerrillas composed of Spaniards, and' likewise a 
militia, but the militia was not composed solely of Span- 
iards. To the militia he gave the name of patriotas. 
The guerrillas were, how^ever, more injurious than were 
even the independents to the royal cause ; and the vice- 
roy, having received innumerable complaints of their con- 
duct, disbanded them. 

The insurrection gained ground rapidly. Lagos, a 
town in the intendencia of Guadalaxara, rendered famous 
for a great fair which was held in the town every five 
years ; Zacatecas, in the vicinity of which are many of 



183 

the richest mines in Mexico ; and other towns situate 
north of Queretaro, eagerly embraced the opportunity ot 
declaring against the Spaniards. 

During Hidalgo's stay in Goanaxoato, he introduced a 
degree of discipline into the crowd which had followed 
him, appointing officers to command these newly-formed 
military corps. He established likewise a mint; made 
wooden cannon, and one of brass, on which was engraved 
El Libertador Americano. Hidalgo's troops, which might 
more properly be called a caravan, were armed with 
pikes, knives, hatchets, slings, blunderbusses, and a few 
muskets. From Goanaxoato Hidalgo marched to Valla^ 
dolid, which he entered on the 20th of October, amidst 
shouts of joy from the Indians and Creoles. The most 
exalted honours were conferred upon Hidalgo, both by 
the ecclesiastics and civil officers in the town, and in his 
military chest they put one million two hundred thousand 
dollars : two regiments of militia, one of which was call- 
ed the regiment of Patzquaro, here joined him. On the 
24th of October, Hidalgo fell back on Indaparapeo, and 
having called a council of the principal captains of the 
army, many promotions took place ; Hidalgo was pro- 
claimed generalissimo of the Mexican armies; Allende 
captain-general ; Ballesa, Ximenes, Arias, and Aldama, 
lieutenant-generals ; Abasolo, Ocon, and the Martines, 
two brothers, field-marshals. A mass was said on the oc- 
casion, and a solemn Te Deurn sung ; the generalissimo 
reviewed the army, dividing it into regiments of one 
thousand men each ; eighty regiments were thus formed ; 
three Spanish dollars per day were assigned for the pay 
of each colonel and captain of cavalry ; one dollar for 
each cavalry soldier, and half a dollar for each foot soldier... 
Hidalgo appeared at the revjew dressed in his uniform ag 
generalissimo, which was blue with red facings, embroi- 
dered with gold and silver, and a black sash, likewise Qm- 



184 

broidered. On his breast he wore a medal, on which 
was the image of the virgin de Guadalupe, which is held 
in great veneration in Mexico. The colours of the army 
were white and blue, resembling the banners of the an- 
cient emperors of Anahuac or Mexico. 

Hidalgo's troops marched from Indaparapeo to Mexico, 
taking the road of Marabatio, TepetongOj Jordana, and 
Jstlahuaca, and entered Toluca, twelve leagues west of 
the capital, on the 27th of October. Mexico was now 
in imminent danger; the populace, and even a consi- 
derable number of the higher orders, hated the Spaniards. 
The royal forces were divided into different corps, which 
were stationed at considerable distances from each other. 
Don F. Calleja, who commanded one brigade, was at 
San Luis de Potosi, more than one hundred leagues from 
Mexico ; the Count de la Cadena, who commanded three 
thousand troops, was at Queretaro, and Venegas had but 
^ handful of men, which were encamped in the environs 
of Mexico, rather to keep in awe the inhabitants, than to 
oppose Hidalgo. At this crisis Venegas resorted to an 
expedient which saved him : he applied to the archbishop 
of Mexico, and to the inquisition, for a sentence of ex- 
eommunication against Hidalgo and his abettors, and 
against all his troops. Solemn excommunications were 
accordingly denounced against the independents ; and 
the inquisition published an edict declaring Hidalgo a 
heretic. The inquisitors supported these declarations by 
observing that Hidalgo had been accused ten years ago 
before the inquisition ; at that time he had had the good 
fortune, or had possessed art sufficient, to remove their 
jealousy. Hidalgo answered this edict by a manifesto, 
in which he acknowledges the principles of his belief, 
and pointed out the contradictions of the inquisitors in 
their accusations against him, observing, that he is accu- 
sed, of denying the existence of hell, and of maintaining, 



185 

at the same time, that a canonized pope was in hell ; 
that he denied the authority of the sacred scriptures, and 
was considered, nevertheless, a Lutheran. 

These excommunications made no impression on the 
independent troops, for Hidalgo, himself a priest, easily 
persuaded his Indians that those who had pronounced the 
dreadful sentence against him, being his enemies, were 
by no means legal judges in his cause, and that the ex- 
communication would undoubtedly fall on those who had 
pronounced it. The inhabitants, however, of Mexico, 
and of the provinces where the insurrection had not yet 
reached, remained tranquil, deeply impressed with 
terror. 

At the approach of Hidalgo's army, Venegas sent fifteen 
hundred men to Istlahuaca, under Colonel Truxillo, one 
of his aids-de-camp. These troops soon after received a 
reinforcement of five hundred men, one hundred and fifty 
of whom were slaves. When Hidalgo entered Toluca, 
Truxillo fell back on Lerma, nine leagues distant from 
Mexico, and availing himself of a bridge on the river 
Lerma, he formed an encampment, and by this means 
defended the pass. The independents crossed the river 
by Atenco, and the royal forces then retired to an emi- 
nence, El Monte de las Cruces, where Hidalgo attacked 
them. His artillery, consisting of four cannon, marched 
first; the regiments of Zelaya and Valladolid, with the 
battalion of Goanaxoato, followed next ; and the horse 
regiments of Patzquaro, Reyna, and Principe, covered 
the rear and flank of the infantry, which was preceded 
by innumerable Indians. Truxillo, having been driven 
from his first position, was retreating to Mexico, when 
Hidalgo sent him proposals to come over to him. Trux- 
illo admitted the envoys within his line, and then ordered 
his soldiers to fire on them. He was now very near 
Mexico^ which he entered on the 30th of October, with 
16* 



186 

nearly three hundred men, having in his flight left the 
artillery behind. The Mexican Gazette mentioned this 
engagement as a victory obtained by the royal troops, 
and a medal was struck at Vera Cruz to perpetuate the 
memory of this achievement, and the names of Truxillo, 
Bringas, and Mendivil, were engraved on it. 

In consequence of the defeat at Monte de las Cruces, 
it was reported in Mexico that Hidalgo's troops were en- 
tering the city, which occasioned great alarm. Venegas 
had previously received intelligence that Morelos, a 
priest, commanded one corps of the independents, and had 
taken possession of many towns in the south of Mexico ; 
that Villagran was on his march to Mexico by the road of 
Tlalnepantla ; and what increased the alarm was, that no- 
thing was yet known in Mexico of the main body of the 
royal troops. Venegas was preparing to retire to Vera 
Cruz with the Spaniards, should he be overcome by the 
enemy ; his troops, amounting to two thousand men, 
were drawn up in a line between two public walks in the 
city, Bucarelli and La Piedad, and his artillery was pla- 
ced at the entrances of the city. On the 31st of October 
Hidalgo's troops were seen descending the hill of Santa 
Fe, and the sight evidently delighted the people, who 
anxiously expected that the independents would be'tri- 
umphant. Venegas was at the head of his troops, ex- 
pecting the enemy, who sent General Ximenes with de- 
spatches for the viceroy. Ximenes presented himself at 
Chalpultepec, three miles from the city, in a magnificent 
carriage, attended by forty horsemen ; and in this parade 
of state he delivered his despatches. Their contents 
were never known, Venegas taking great care to conceal 
from the inhabitants of Mexico the purport of this mission. 
The despatches were returned without any answer. 

To storm the city seemed now almost unavoidable ; 
Hidalgo, however, determined not to attack it, and the 



187 

Bext morning his troops were seen retiring. It was siip» 
posed that he had received intelligence of the defeat of 
General Sanchez at Qijeretaro, and of the troops of Cal- 
leja having joined those of Count de la Cadena, which 
took place on the 28th of October ; and these united 
forces were marching to the assistance of the capital. 
Others say, that Hidalgo's natural moderation and horror 
of shedding blood were the causes of his apparent timid- 
ity. Whatever motives really actuated him, it is certain 
his troops withdrew in confusion. 

Hidalgo now fixed his camp on a hill of an almost rec- 
tangular form, which commands the village of Aculco, 
and the country around on the north and east sides. His 
artillery, which consisted of fourteen pieces, was placed 
on the sides of the hill ; and his army formed two lines, 
between which were placed the undisciplined Indians. 
Calleja divided his troops into five columns ; and on the 
7th of November he attacked Hidalgo on the north and 
east side of his camp. The Indians were panic struck 
when they saw the good order and military appearance 
of the royal army, consisting of six thousand men ; and as 
soon as the firing commenced they took to flight, which 
entirely disconcerted the regular troops in Hidalgo's ar- 
my. Calleja pursued the enemy, and great havoc was 
made : according to his official report, no less than ten 
thousand independents were killed, wounded, or taken 
prisoners. 

Hidalgo retreated to Goanaxoato, where Calleja soon 
after followed him. Goanaxoato is built on an eminence, 
and the road leading to the town is a defile, which the 
independents fortified. Calleja dispossessed them of all 
their batteries on the 24th of November ; taking twenty- 
five cannon, among which was El Libertador Americano. 
Hidalgo's troops, enraged at the attack of the Spaniards, 
assassinated more than two hundred Spaniards who were 



188 

confined in the Alhondiga. On the following day the 
royal troops stormed the town and took it ; the soldiers 
were allowed to pillage and kill for two hours. The day 
after all the officers and many other prisoners were shot ; 
the mineralogists, Chovel, Davalos, and Valencia suffered 
the same fate. Calleja issued a proclamation, which or- 
dered that within twenty hours all arms and ammunition 
of every description should be delivered to the govern- 
ment, under penalty of death in case of disobedience. 
The same penalty was to be inflicted on those who should 
be found guilty of supporting opinions which tended to 
rebellion. Every union of persons exceeding three was 
to be dispersed by firing on them. 

Hidalgo now marched towards Guadalaxara, a city one 
hundred and fifty leagues north-west of Mexico, and con- 
taining ninety-one thousand inhabitants ; and having in 
his march been victorious in several skirmishes with dif- 
ferent detachments of the Spanish troops, he entered the 
city, and then sent Mercado, a priest, to the port of San- 
blas, which readily capitulated. Mercado took forty-three 
cannon at Sanblas, and sent them to Guadalaxara. Hi- 
dalgo's authority was evidently acknowledged in the in- 
tendencias of Valladolid de Mechoacan, Zacatecas, Gua- 
dalaxara, San Luis Potosi, and part of Sonora, by the 
submission shown to his generals, 

Calleja advanced to Guadalaxara, and in the meantime 
General Don J. Cruz defeated the independents at Za- 
Hiora, and then took the city of Valladolid, where his 
conduct towards the inhabitants was marked by the most 
dreadful cruelty. When Calleja arrived in the vicinity of 
Guadalaxara, Hidalgo resolved to engage the royal troops, 
and in consequence encamped his army on a rising 
ground, which was protected on one side by a hill, on an- 
other by a small river, the bridge over which he fortified. 
Many batteries were placed at the top of the bill, and 



189 

two others defended the army on the left, making in ali 
one hundred and thirty guns. Calleja divided his troops 
into two columns ; one of which attacked the hill, and 
deprived the independents of their batteries. The second 
column attacked the left side of the enemy's camp, but, 
having been repulsed, they were retreating to their first 
position. Having, however, obtained a reinforcement, 
this column successfully opposed Hidalgo's cavalry^- 
which, taking advantage of the retrograde movement this 
column had already made, were endeavouring to surround 
it. Hidalgo now charged the Spanish cavalry, which, 
being supported by the grenadiers, repulsed the attack so 
vigorously, that they made great slaughter. There was- 
one battery which prevented the two columns of the Spa- 
nish army from penetrating into the centre of Hidalgo's 
camp. This battery Calleja attacked in person, and took 
it with little opposition. In the intermediate time Em- 
paran made an attack on the independent cavalry, which 
T\as numerous, and routed them completely. The con- 
sternation was great in Hidalgo's camp, and victory de- 
clared for the royal troops. This engagement took place 
en the 17th of January, 1811, at £1 Puente de Calderon, 
eleven leagues from Guadalaxara. 

Calleja immediately despatched a detachment under- 
General Cruz to retake Sanblas ; but this port was alrea- 
dy in the possession of the Spaniards, in consequence of 
a counter revolution which took place at the instigation 
of a priest, the curate of the town. Hidalgo, having ral- 
lied the remnant of his troops, marched to ZacateCas^ 
where he strengthened his army by obtaining cannon. 
There was a brass foundery in the town. He likewise 
made a new silver coinage ; but still continued on the 
coin the head of Ferdinand the Seventh. From Zacatecas 
he went to San Luis Potosi, where he formed different 
corps of guerrillas, and with some chosen troops he thea. 



190 

Btiarched to the town of Saltillo, about two hundred leagues 
from Mexico, in the military government of Provincias 
Jnternas Orientales. The governor of El Nuevo Reyno 
de Leon declared for Hidalgo ; the governor of El Nuevo 
Santandermade his escape ; and the governors of Coahuila 
^nd Texas were arrested by the independent party in these 
towns. 

A Spanish division of troops arrived about this period 
at Altamira, under the command of Don N. Arredondo. 
These troops, as well as the army under Calleja, which 
was now at San Luis Potosi, were in pursuit of Hidalgo. 
The governor of the Provincias Internas Occidenlales 
likewise sent troops under the command of Don M. Ochoa, 
to prevent the retreat of Hidalgo, whose plan had been 
to retire to Louisiana, and there to assemble his partisans 
to arms, that he might resume the war. Don Y. Elisondo^ 
who commanded one detachment of the independent 
forces, resolved himself to arrest Hidalgo, that he might 
thus obtain his pardon from the Spaniards ; and having 
succeeded in drawing to his side Menchaca, Carrasco, 
Borrego, Uranga, and other officers, he attacked Hidalgo 
at Acatita de Bajan, on the 21st of March, 1811. Hidal- 
go, who was pursuing his march, and little expected an 
€nemy in a friendly country, was easily overcome, and 
he and the officers of his staff were made prisoners. Fif- 
ty-two of them were immediately executed on the field 
©f battle ; and ten more, among whom were Hidalgo and 
Balleza, were taken to Chiguagua, and likewise put to 
death on the 27th of July, 1811. Hidalgo was previously 
deprived of his priest's orders. 

The death of Hidalgo and of his faithful companions 
Ml arms did not discourage the other chiefs, who continued 
in different parts still to support the revolution. Among 
these were Don N. Yillagran, Don J. M. Morelos, and 
especially Don Y. Rayon, a lawyer, who had taken his 



191 

position at El Saltillo, that he might favour Hidalgo's re- 
treat. Rayon now fell back on Zacatecas, and in his 
way he defeated Ochoa, who opposed him. At Zacatecas 
he released three Spanish prisoners, whom he sent to the 
viceroy, proposing the following terms of accommodation i 
That a congress should be formed ; and that an equai 
number of Spaniards and South Americans should have 
seats in this congress, and there debate on the best steps 
to be taken to put an end to the present war. ^ Venegas 
merely answered, that if Rayon chose to lay down his 
arms, he should be included in the general indulto pub- 
lished by the government. 

The indulto or amnesty, alluded to, was granted by the 
cortes at the end of 1810, and offered an act of oblivion 
for the present revolution, provided its instigators and 
abettors would lay down their arms. Far from doing 
any good, this indulto injured the royal cause, for the 
Spanish chiefs did not employ it wisely ; and in Mexico 
so little confidence was placed either in the indulto or in 
the promises of Venegas, thai he was under the necessity 
of applying to the church, el cabildo eclesiastico^ to give 
authority to his proclamations, and to persuade the peo- 
ple that the promises of the viceroy were not snares laid 
to entrap them. " On this account," says the cabildo 
eclesiastico, in a pastoral charge addressed to the clergy 
on the 17th of May, 1812, " his excellency the viceroy, 
the worthy and legitimate representative of our catholic 
and most Christian king Ferdinand the Seventh, has liad 
the unparalleled goodness, not only to authorize us to be 
the guarantees and trustees of the indulto or general par- 
don granted to the insurgents, but also to permit us to 
grant to you likewise the power, reverend brethren, as 
by the present we do, to oflfer, promise, and assure, in 
the name of the Holy Trinity. Father, Son, and Holy 
Ghost, and in the name of the Virgin of Guadalupe, pro- 



1912 

tectress of this kingdom, and in the name of the Chris- 
tian and catholic king Ferdinand the Seventh, and of his 
viceroy in these kingdoms, that a general pardon shall 
be duly granted to all those who, repenting themselves 
©f their past faults, are now willing to lay down their 
arms," &c. 

Calleja marched to attack Rayon at Zacatecas, but he 
withdrew to the intendencia of Valladolid. Colonel Lo- 
pez, who commanded a body of guerrillas in Zitaquaro, 
fortified the town, and was there attacked by Torre and 
Mora, on the 22d of May, 1811. The royalists were, 
however, completely defeated, and Torre and Mora fell 
in the battle. Elated with this victory, the independents 
marched against Valladolid, where Truxillo now com- 
manded. The attack took place on the 30th of May, 
but Truxillo succeeded in repelling it. Rayon then fixed 
his headquarters at Zitaquaro, and being there attacked 
by Emparan, on the 4lh of June a bloody eflgagement 
ensued, in which the royalists lost eight hundred men, 
as well as their baggage ; and they in consequence retired 
to Toluca. The independents renewed their attack on 
Valladolid on the 23d of July, but their former ill suc- 
cess attended them. 

It was supposed that a plan for revolt was now ripe in 
Mexico ; the viceroy having received many denuncia- 
tions, various arrests took place; those accused of con- 
spiracy were tried ; six of them, among whom was Fer- 
rer, a lawyer, were condemned to death ; six others were 
sentenced to hard labour at Puerto Rico. Two women 
were likewise found guilty of being in the conspiracy, 
and condemned for a certain term to be imprisoned. This 
happened in the month of August, 1811. 

Rayon formed a junta at Zitaquaro, which consisted 
of himself, Doctor Berdusco, and Don J. M. Liceaga. 
This junta pretended to acknowledge Ferdinand the Se- 



193 

venth as their king, and in his name they published their 
acts and decrees. Intelligence of ihis new government 
having reached Goanaxoato- where CaJleja had fixed his 
headquarters, this general made a procJamation, oli'eiing 
ten thousand dollars for the head of either of the n^embers 
of the junta. Venegas, sensible that the revoiutioij .^as 
gaining ground, hastened lo destroy the junta ; ^.ui. Cai- 
leja had orders to make an immediate attack. 

The town of Zitaquaro contains ten thousand inhabit- 
ants ; it is forty leagues west of Mexico, and situate in a 
valley surrounded by high ri^iountains. As the principal 
object in attacking this town was to seize the members of 
the junta, Calleja ordered Porlier, the commander of To- 
luca, to dispossess the independents of their position oi| 
the mountain Tenango, previous to his making the attack 
on Zitaquaro. This was done to prevent the indepen- 
dents from Zitaquaro retreating to Tenango. An attack 
on Zitaquaro was then made ; and the following is the 
ofiicial communication on the subject by Calleja, to the 
viceroy, on the td of January, 1812. 

*' The royal troops, after an engagement which lasted 
three hours, took the important point of Zitaquaro, which 
is situate between steep rocks, surrounded by entrench- 
ments and ditches, and defended by an immense body of 
people from twenty surrounding leagues, which had pre- 
viously collected themselves in the town. 

*' The rebels had added to that state of natural fortifi- 
cation in which Zitaquaro was placed all that art, despair, 
and eight months continued labour could contribute. The 
defeat of the two preceding expeditions had so much en- 
couraged the people, that even women and children now 
united in repelling our attack. All, however, has yield- 
ed to the intrepidity of the army under my command. 

" The enemy being completely routed, fled away in 
every direction, leaving the surrounding country covere<| 
17 



194 

-^vith their dead and wounded. The rebels, cahecillas^ 
Rayon, Liceaga, and Berdusco, had previously made 
their escape, and taken the road towards Tasco ; nor has 
it been in my power to pursue them, my troops being 
already exhausted witti fatigue, and the roads in a very 
bad state, 

" The quantity of military stores is immense which 
we found in the town. 1 will send your excellency an 
exact list of them, as well as of the cannon which we 
took from the enemy. I now merely confine myself to 
that information more immediately necessary to convey 
to your excellency, that it is owing to the valour and ex- 
ertions of my officers as well as of my men, that the en- 
gagement was so short. Their good conduct in this 
attack has exceeded even what they have displayed on 
former occasions, and our loss has been inconsiderable. 

"My stay here will be as short as possible, and before 
my aeparture I will erase every vestige of the town from 
the face of the earth, that I may, by this means, punish 
the criminal instigators of so barbarous, impolitic, and 
destructive an insurrection, and give an example of terror 
to those who might otherwise be willing to support it. 

" CALLEJA.'' 

The following decree was next published : 

" 1st, It is decreed that the Indians of Zitaquaro and 
its department shall be deprived of their property, as 
well as of those immunities and privileges which the ex- 
treme beneficence of the government had granted them. 

" 2d, This forfeited property, as well as that of those 
South Americans who have taken part in the insurrection, 
who accompanied the rebels in their flight, or who left 
the city at the entrance of the king's troops, to be placed 
in the public treasury. 

*' 3d, If those who are included in this decree will pre- 



195 



sent themselves to me, giving proofs of repentance, and 
of willingness to contribute to repair the roads, &c. they 
shall receive their pardon ; but property cannot be re- 
stored. 

*' 4th, The capital of this department is to be trans- 
ferred to Marabatio, where a military government is to 
be established ; and the people are to be compelled to 
arm, equip, and support companies of infantry and caval- 
ry for the defence of this department. 

" 5th, Monarchical government being hated by the in-' 
habitants of this criminal town, who have supported three 
engagements against the king's forces, and having found 
the heads of many of our chiefs, who sacrificed their lives 
for the public good, placed on poles at the entrance of 
the town, we decree that every building in Zitaquaro shall 
be razed to the ground, or destroyed by fire. Every in- 
habitant to leave the town within six days ; and as a 
proof of mercy, I permit them to take their moreable 
property. 

" 6th, Every inhabitant to receive from the govern- 
ment a written testimonial of his name, family, and day 
of his departure. Any person remaining in the town after 
the time fixed for departure, or not having provided him- 
self with the requisite testimonial, to be put to death. 

" 7th, All arms to be given up to the government, un- 
der the penalty of death. 

*' 8th, The clergy to be sent to the bishop of Valla- 
dolid. 

*' 9th, An absolute prohibition is made against rebuild- 
ing the town of Zitaquaro, or any other town which may 
in future be destroyed to punish rebellion. 

" 10th, Any town or village admitting either of the 
three members of the insurgent junta, or any of their de- 
legates, or who shall refuse to surrender them to the king, 
or attempting to resist tl*e king's troops, are subjected Vc 
the above-mentioned penalties. 



196 

** llth, The Count de Casa-rul is intrusted with en- 
ft^rcing this decree. 

"CALLEJA.'« 

The junta of Zitaquaro took refuge at El Real de Zul- 
tepec, a town thirty leagues west of Mexico, situate on a 
sleep mountain^ Notwithstanding, the loss of Zitaquaro, 
the independents were not conquered. Morelos, Villa- 
gran, Canas, Aldama^ and other generals, still command' 
ed numerous corps of guerrillas, which were constantly 
employed in different parts in opposing the Spanish 
forces. The junta proposed terms of reconciliation to 
Venegas ; but they were as ill received as former similar 
attempts made by Hidalgo and Rayon. The terms of 
reconciliation were proposed, by the junta in an address 
to «he Spaniards, published on the 29th of March, 1812. 
The junta, in this address, recapitulate the grievances 
from which they sought redress, and formed a plan, in 
case the Spaniards chose a continuance of war, that it 
should at least be carried on with less ferocity. 

Morelos ruled over nearly the whole southern coast of 
Mexico, having defeated the royal forces in many en- 
gagements, but most decisively in the battle fought at 
Tixtla, on the 19th of August, 1811. After that, he be* 
sieged Acapuico ; and with the principal part of his 
army, which he divided into two corps, he marched to 
Mexico. Brigadier Bravo, who commanded one of these 
divisions, conquered the Spanish General Musitu, and 
entered Q,uautla Amilpas, twenty-five leagues south of 
Mexico, while Morelos took possession of Izucar without 
any opposition. These advantages gained by the pa-* 
triots prevented the royalists from dispersing the nation- 
al junta after taking Zitaquaro. The troops of Morelos 
were likewise in possession of Huexapan, and oi El Real 
de Tasco, The royalistSj commanded by Colonel boto. 



197 

attacked Izucar on the 17th of February, but were re- 
pulsed, and Soto so severely wounded, that he was oblig- 
ed to withdraw from the army. Llano, who succeeded 
to his command, renewed the attack on the 22d, and was 
likewise repulsed, though he had obtained possession of 
a hill called EI Calvario, from whence he had bombard- 
ed the town. This attack was made by troops just ar- 
rived from Spain ; which were the first troops that had 
been sent into Mexico since the commencement of the 
revolution. 

Calleja stormed Quautla Amilpas on the 19th of Fe- 
bruary, but was compeUed to retreat, after an engage- 
ment which lasted six hours. Llano raised the siege of 
Izucar, and joined Calleja, on the 28th of February. In 
his march he defeated several corps of guerrillas, com- 
manded by F. de la Rosa and others. Morelos likewise 
received reinforcements at Qiiautla : and every military 
manoeuvre possible was employed to defend the town. 
Calleja says, in a letter addressed to a friend, from his 
camp before Quautla, dated 15th of March, 1812, "We 
will precipitate this town and its inhabitants into the 
very centre of hell, whatever exertion or fatigue it may 
cost us. The enthusiasm of these insurgents is unparel- 
leled. Morelos, with a prophetic countenance, gives his 
orders, and whatever they may be, they are always 
punctually executed. We continually hear the inhabit- 
ants swear that they will be buried under the ruins 
rather than deliver up the town. They dance around 
the bombs as they fall, to prove that they are fearless of 
danger." 

Q,uautla Amilpas is situate in a plain ; the towJ! is 
rather elevated, and commands a view of the environs. 
It was fortified by Morelos, who found the whole town, 
as well as the army, ready to second his views. The 
Siege, however, being regularly carried on, provisions a# 
17* 



198 

length failed, and Morelos ordered a detachment to 
make a sally, that the guerrillas, who were harassing the 
rear of the besiegers, might receive intimation to endea- 
vour, on a day specified, to introduce provisions into the 
town. Accordingly, Field-marshal Matamoros, a priest, 
and Colonel Perdiz, with a hundred horsemen, forced 
the line of the enemy in the night of the 23d of April, 
1812. On the 27th, the Spanish camp was attacked by 
the besieged, and by the guerrillas, who were, however, 
repulsed, and lost near a thousand men. The siege 
having lasted seventy -five days, and provisions failing, 
Morelos at length determined to evacuate Quautla Amil- 
pas, which he effected in the night of the 2d of May, and 
in the following order ; a corps of infantry, consisting of 
one thousand men, took the lead ; after them went two 
hundred and fifty horsemen, which were followed by 
nearly five thousand lancers and slingers ; nearly the 
whole population of Qyautla was placed between these 
troops and a corps of fusileers, which protected the rear. 

As soon as Calleja was aware that the independents 
were quitting the town, he ordered his army to attack 
them. Many skirmishes then ensued, in which the roy- 
al forces made great havoc among the unarmed inhabit- 
ants of the town, who had accompanied the army. Four 
thousand fell victims at this time, and they were chiefly 
these unfortunate persons. Calleja says, in his official 
communication to the viceroy, that he only lost twenty 
men, and that an extent of seven leagues was covered 
with the dead bodies of the enemy. 

Morelos marched to Chilapa, and took the town by 
. He next took Tehuacan, nearly fifty leagues 

th*-west oi'^ Mexico. Orizaba was likewise obliged to 
Surrender to Morenos ; and there he set fire to the to- 
bacco in the royal magiizines, which was valued at many 
i^iUions of dollars. On th6 25th of November, he at- 



199 

tacked Antequera, the capital of the intendencia of Oas° 
aca, and this town submitted to him with little opposi- 
tion. Palacios, Tinoco, and Colonels Lopez and Armen 
ta, had been here shot by the royalists : from a spirit ot 
retaliation, Morelos executed, on the very same spot^ 
Lieutenant-General Gonzales Saravia, Brigadier Bona- 
via, and Colonels Regules and Villasante. The remains 
of Lopez and Armenta were then carried in triumph, and 
deposited in the cathedral. Acapulco fell soon after into 
the power of Morelos, who then stationed many corps of 
guerrillas between Xalapa and Vera Cruz ; and by this 
means completely succeeded in intercepting the regular 
communication between Mexico and Vera Cruz. 

Rayon's troops attacked Toluca, but being repulsed 
retired to Tenango, a town situate near an eminence, 
about eighteen leagues south-west of Mexico. The bat- 
teries which defended the ascent of the mountain, the 
royalists, under Don J. C. y Bustamente, found means to 
avoid, and took possession of the town in the beginning 
of June, 1812. All who were made prisoners in this 
attack were shot. The national junta withdrew from 
Zultepec, and sometimes accompanied the army under 
Rayon, or remained in a town in the vicinity of his 
army, but never fixed themselves for any continued pe- 
riod in any place* From this era but kw facts are 
known with certainty of the Mexican revolution, and to 
these I will limit my present sketch. 

About the end of 1812, Don J. M. A. Toledo, who 
had been one of the members of the cortes for Spanish 
America, arrived at Washington, and there joined Colonel 
Don B. Gutierrez, who had come from Mexico to im- 
plore the protection of the United States. He and Tole- 
do enrolled some Americans to assist the independ^'nts, 
and set out for Provincias Internas, where their numbers 
were increased by some guerrillas joining thcBa. The/ 



200 

at first obtained some advantages over the Spaniards, and 
even took the capital of the province of Texas, San Anto- 
nio de Bejar ; but Don N. Arredondo, commancler of the 
Provincias Internas Orientales, attacked them in the be- 
ginning of 1813, and completely dispersed their troops. 
Toledo escaped to the United States. 

In December, 1813, Morelos attacked Valladolid ; but 
the city receiving timely assistance from a division of 
troops under Llano, Morelos was compelled to retreat to 
Puruaran,. seventeen leagues from Valladolid. Llano 
pursued Morelos's army, and an engagement took place 
on the 7th of January, 1814. The battle having commen- 
ced before daylight, a fatal error happened in Morelos's 
army, for two of his own divisions in the dark fought 
against each other. Day broke, and they perceived their 
unhappy mistake, but too late ; the independents remained 
spiritless, and in a state of consternation and dismay, 
which Llano taking advantage of, made great havoc 
among them. Matamoros, Morelos's second officer iit 
command, was made prisoner with seven hundred men> 
Matamoros had himself taken five hundred Spanish prison- 
ers a (ew days before, and sent them, to Acapulco ; these 
Morelos ofiered in exchange for Matamoros and his stafi^ 
but the offer was vain ; the seven hundred men taken- 
with Matamoros by the royalists were executed as soon* 
as taken. Morelos then letaliated by putting to deatb 
the five hundred Spanish prisoners at Acapulco. 

The Spanish army was then powerful ; it consisted of 
four strong divisions ; and they nearly expelled the inde- 
pendents from this part of the country. Even Acapul- 
co was reconquered ; but the patriots previously destroy- 
ed its fortifications. Liceaga, however, contrived to forti- 
fy kimself in the lake of Chapala, from whence he repul- 
sed the royalists several times. Morelos, Rayon, Doc- 
tor Cos, and some others of the independeat generals, ob- 



201 

tained a few partial advantages, and hope revived among 
the partisans of the revolution, which again extended 
through the intendencias of Valladolid and Mexico. 

The national junta was succeeded by a congress, which 
commenced its sessions at Chilpansingo, about thirty 
leagues south of Mexico. Tiie congress assembled after- 
wards at Ario, only forty-five leagues from this city. 
This congress declared Mexico independent, and formed 
an executive power, composed of Liceaga, Cos, and Mo- 
relos. From Ario the congress removed its sessions to 
Apatzingan, where they presented to the people a consti- 
tution, formed on a democratical basis, on the 23d of Oc- 
tober, 1814. On the 25th the congress issued a decree, 
prescribing the oath which was to be taiien by the citizens 
enjoying the benefits of this constitution. The decrees 
of the congress and the constitution were publicly burned 
hy the royalists in Mexico on the 24lh of May, 1816, and 
penalty of death was denounced against those who refused 
to deliver to the government any copies they might have 
of this constitution, or of the decrees of the congress. 
Many privateers were fitted out by the independents ; 
and these privateers enabled the Mexican armies to re- 
ceive through the port Boquilia de Piedra, in the Gulf 
of Mexico, both officers and supplies of arras and aramu-; 
nition. 

In the month of October, 1816, Morelos received in- 
telligence that Toledo and General Humbert had arrived 
with arms and ammunition at El Puente del Rey, which 
w^as fortified by the independents. El Puente del Rey 
lies between Xalapa and Vera Cruz. Morelos set out to 
join Toledo, but to conceal his design he took the road 
leading to the province ofOaxaca. ihe royalists, who 
by means of their spies had discovered Morelos's inten- 
tion, laid wait for him at Atacama, and succeeded in de- 
feating the corps be commanded, and took him prisoner^ 



202 

Morelos was conducted to Mexico, and there deprived of 
his clerical orders by three bishops. He was accused of 
heresy, but the inquisition absolved him from this charge. 
He was shot in the back as a traitor in the village San 
Cristobal, six leagues from Mexico. The viceroy did 
not venture to have the sentence of death enforced in the 
city, lest it should excite the people to rise. 

The following is an official letter from the viceroy of 
Mexico to the minister of war in Spain, intercepted in 
the schooner La Leona, which was taken by El Con- 
greso, privateer from Buenos Ayres. 

'* I informed your excellency in my former commu- 
nication that the rebels, cabecillas, who made their es- 
cape after Morelos's defeat, on the 6th of last month, had 
again collected themselves into a body in the intendencia 
of Puebla. They have since assembled at Tehuacan, 
and have there formed another junta. Many disputes 
have arisen respecting the presidency of this junta ; but 
Manuel Teran, excelling his opponents in talents, and 
having besides sixteen hundred well-armed men under 
his command, has the best chance of occupying Morelos's 
former seat. 

" The rebels, still trembling for their fate, had no 
sooner reached Tehuacan than they sent to me, through 
the medium of the municipality of Mexico, the adjoined 
despatch : by which your excellency will perceive that 
they claim, in the most haughty and audacious style, that 
we should restore to them Morelos ; alleging, in support 
of this claim, as an independent people, the rights of 
war and of nations. 

*' Their claims, which I have treated with silent con- 
tempt, have not prevented me from inflicting condign 
punishment on the criminal whose restoration they de- 
mand. I beg of your excellency to mark their expressions , 
you will trace in them the character of these rebels, th© 



203 

high opinion they have of themselves, the decision with 
which they act, and the hopes they entertain. By the 
gazettes which I enclose, your excellency will see the 
indulto which I have published ; which was done more 
to conciliate the public opinion in favour of the govern- 
ment than to indulge the rebels. 

" Your excellency may be assured that this measure 
will not endanger the public safety ; for, with some few 
exceptions, none will have recourse to the offered par- 
don ; and of course the principal leaders and their bands 
will not lay down those arms which they are more ac- 
customed to from the habit of plunder, than to obtain 
their independence. If, fortunately, contrary to my ex- 
pectation, the number of those willing to submit to our 
arms should be more considerable, that will prove that 
they resign all hopes, and then we have nothing more to 
fear. 

*' Had Brigadier Don J. Moreno Daoiz, governor of 
Puebla, attended to my orders, he would have prevent- 
ed the rebels from again uniting themselves at Tehuacan, 
or he would have so harassed them that their plans must 
have been frustrated. Since the rebels have ended their 
civil broils, and formed a government to act in concert 
with the bands which infest the roads between Vera 
Cruz and Mexico, and with those which pervade the 
coast of Barlovento ; and since the infamous Toledo has 
landed with armaments and military stores, they have 
extended their operations to Oaxaca, Orizava, Cordova, 
and many other towns in the intendeucia of Puebla. I 
enclose to your excellency the proclamation which the 
traitor Toledo issued on his return from North America. 

** Daoiz has been prevented from acting against the 
rebels, being deprived of one corps of troops, which was 
sent as an escort for the money conveyed to Vera Cruz 
iti the beginning of last month. These troops Brigadier 



204 ^^^, 

Miyarez still keeps in his service, notwithstanding his 
promise of sending them back. Although Miyarez has a 
considerable force under his comiuanu, which has been 
continually increased by the troops which have joined 
him in the different towns through which he has march- 
ed : and allhough the rebels evacuated, on the 8th of 
May, El Puente del fiey, which they had fortified, still 
he keeps Brigadier Daoiz's troops as an escort for him- 
self. 

*' I enclose to your excellency the last despatch from 
Miyarez, with my answer, ordering that the above-men- 
tioned troops might be sent back to protect the towns of 
Orizava and Cordova, where the tobacco belonging to the 
king, which is the government's principal treasure, is de- 
posited. By the copy of my orders, your excellency 
will see my remarks on Miyarez's plan of erecting seven 
forts in the twenty two leagues between Xalapa and Vera 
Cruz. I foresee that these forts could only exist during 
the dry season ; for when the rains come on, the land 
would be so marshy that the troops would be under the 
necessity of withdrawing. Were Miyarez's plan put in 
execution, such considerable distances would separate 
the troops, that it would be impossible to pursue the re- 
bels with success ; or were the coast attacked, as is ex- 
pected, and assistance suddenly called for, it could not be 
given. 

*< According to the last intelligence which I have re- 
ceived, Toledo has returned to New-Orleans, accompa- 
nied by emissaries and officers appointed by the former 
congress, who are to serve in the expedition destined to 
the Provincias Internas. It is said that Toledo wanted 
courage to place himself at the head of the troops in the 
vicinity of Vera Cruz, and thct he was therefore to re- 
turn to Boquilla de Piedra, taking leinforcements frooa 
New-Orleans. 



205 

*' I beg to inform your excellency that I have intelli- 
gence from North America, relating to the arrival of J. 
Bonaparte at Washington, and to the conduct of the go- 
vernment of the United States, which is inclineti to favour 
the revolution here ; the complaint made by the minister, 
Don L. de Onis, and the satisfactory answer of the presi- 
dent. Your excellency veill iikevt^ise see my answer to 
Onis on the same subject. As much confidence is not to 
be placed in the government of Washinsiton, which is in- 
terested in the emancipation of these provinces, and is 
desirous of forming a government for them after the mo- 
del of its own, I repeat, therefore, to your excellency 
the necessity of sending cruisers to the coast of Vera 
Cruz, and likewise land as well as naval forces and 
clothing. The clothing made here is costly, and not 
durable. It cannot be difficult for your excellency to 
obtain what is needful from England. It is necessary 
that we should be prepared, in case the factions in North 
America should realize their meditated invasion. 

"Don N, Arredondo, commander in the Provincias 
Internas Orientales, informed me in his letter, dated the 
13th of November, 1815, that on the frontiers of those 
provinces, as well as on the banks of the river Sabinas, 
there are many bands of insurgents ; and this intelligence 
perfectly agrees with that received from the minister 
Onis. Arredondo describes likewise the defenceless 
state of the provinces under his command, and adds, that 
he has not the means of placing them in the necessary 
state of defence. Notwithstanding the assistance which 
I have frequently given to Arredondo, the attention I am 
compelled to pay to what surrounds me, and the expen- 
ses of my own army, which exceed the actual resources 
of this treasury, your excellency will see the measures I 
have been induced to take. 

** I cannot help lamenting the situation of this viceroy- 
18 



206 

aUy ; the king's authority is no longer supported with 
vigour, from the general relaxation which pervades every 
class of society since the revolution. As a proof of this, 
Arredondo wanted a thousand muskets ; I could not sup- 
ply him, because the number of muskets made here are 
not sufficient to replace those we have already lost, or 
are destroying every day. I therefore ordered Don J. 
de la Cruz, the commander in Nueva Gallicia, who had 
lately received four thousand from the East-Indies, to 
supply Arredondo, yet he has never complied with my 
orders ; and if he does not, I must apply to your excel- 
lency more expressly on the subject. 

" Unless the frontiers or the coast be attacked, or the 
North Americans openly declare for the insurgents, or J. 
Bonaparte and his partisans succeed in obtaining money 
to realize their plans, I see no immediate prospect of the 
king's authority being overthrown. Since the impri- 
sonment of Morelos, with the exception of the inten- 
dencia of Puebla, where the principal leaders of the re- 
bels are assembled, the whole country enjoys a degree of 
tranquillity ; yet we are surrounded every where with 
numberless bands of robbers, which intercept the com- 
munication with many parts, and stop the progress of 
agriculture, of trade, and of working the mines, in which 
consists the wealth of the people. These bands are not 
sufficiently powerful to defeat the regular troops, to take 
towns, or to intercept the convoys ; yet we have not the 
strength necessary to destroy them, though they are fre- 
quently defeated, often harassed, and severely punished 
if they fall into our power, as your excellency will see 
by the gazettes separately enclosed. God preserve your 
excellency ! 

*< Mexico, «< FELIX CALLEJA^ 

December 31, I815.» 



207 

Letter from the Mexican congress at Tehuacan to the 
viceroy Calleja. 

" The chance of war has placed in your power Don 
J. M. Morelos, who was made prisoner on the morning of 
the 5th of this month in the environs of Temalaca, en- 
deavouring to protect the retreat of the national repre- 
sentatives. These representatives greatly fear that ^-ouf 
excellency will not spare the life of this illustrious war- 
rior, nor even treat him with the respect due to his cha- 
racter. We know that this war is considered by your ex- 
cellency as the rebellion of a few unhappy wretches, not 
as the spontaneous and general will of a people justly ir- 
ritated. You have endeavoured to impress the minds of 
the civilized world with this disadvantageous idea of our 
revolution ; though the continuance of the war, and the 
universal cry of the people^ demanding their liberty, con- 
tradict your assertions. Yet these national representa- 
tives would be deficient in their duty, were they not to 
implore your excellency to preserve the valuable life of 
Don J. M. Morelos, who is both one of the principal war- 
riors in Mexico, and a member of our government. We 
conjure your excellency, in the name of the nation, and 
m consideration of the severe sufferings this war has al- 
ready occasioned us, to spare the life of Don J. M. Mo- 
relos. We send you the proclamation which we have 
lately circulated among the troops in Mexico ; and we 
hope that your excellency, who, in your communication 
of the 14th ultimo to Dr. D. P. de la Fonte, granting the 
favour of the indulto to Don J. N. Rocainz, boasts of hur 
manity being the guide of his actions, will henceforth re- 
frain from shedding the blood of the inhabitants of this 
country, and will let horror, desolation, and death ceasej;. 
We, on our part, have constantly evinced moderation^. 
Reflect on the crime you will commit if you take the life 
of Morelos J his death would be a fatal omen to you and 



208 

your party. Remember the chances of war ! Consider 
the vicissitudes of empires ! Examine our situation and 
resources — tremble, and fear vengeance ! While you ard^ 
cruel, what can you expect, should the chance of war 
place you in our hands ? Can your prisoners have a right 
to implore our clemency ? Will you oblige us to repent 
of the moderation we have shown to your party, notvfith- 
standing our just indignation ? And, lastly, consider that 
you and sixty thousand Spaniards must answer for the 
smallest ill treatment of Generalissimo Morelos. He is 
inexpressibly dear to every American ; nor would the ill 
treatment of Morelos be viewed with indifference even by 
those who are mere spectators of our struggle. 

" L. J. SOTERO DE CASTENADA, 

President of the Congress. 
L. Y. ALAS, 

President of the Government. 
L. J. M. PONCE DE LEON, 
" Tehuatian, President of the Supreme Court 

17th November, 1815." of Justice. 

Addressed to the General of the Spanish army. 

The loss of Morelos was very soon felt by the patriots* 
They disagreed among themselves, and Don M. Teran, 
taking advantage of the existing disunion, planned to dis' 
solve the congress by force, which he did in the following 
December, 1815. The supreme authority was then vest- 
ed in Teran himself, Don E. Y. Alas, and Don N. 
Cumplido. Since that time the independents have been 
constantly losing ground, but the particulars of the war 
are obscure to us. 

The viceroy Calleja has been succeeded by Don Juan 
R. de Apodaca, who has entirely changed the plan of 
policy of the preceding viceroys, by endeavouring to 
gain the affection of the Mexicans, instead of inspiring 
them with terror. This plan has been crowned with sue 



•209 

cess, and if we give credit to the accounts from Vera Cruz 
and the capital of Mexico, the revolution in that quarter 
is at an end. 

Nevertheless, part of the Provincias Internas still resist 
the royal forces. The patriots have been there joined by 
an expedition under the young General Mina. This ge- 
neral sailed from Liverpool in the month of May last year, 
1816, having on board about seven thousand stand of arms» 
some ofl&cers, and equipages for two thousand infantry 
and five hundred cavalry. He arrived in the United 
States in June, and there added to the number of oflScers, 
and got more muskets, after which he sailed for the Gulf 
of Mexico. This expedition suffered much during the 
passage from the weather and disease. Mina landed at 
last at Matagorda, where the inhabitants, and Aury, the 
commander of the privateers in that quarter, joined him* 



18* 



210 



CONCLUSION. 



The new governments established in Spanish America, 
not trusting to their own strength to support their inde- 
pendence, have applied for protection to different pow- 
ers. For this purpose the junta of Caraccas deputed Don 
Telesforo Orea Jo Washington in the year 1810; and 
Don Pedro (^dl went on a similar mission from the con- 
gress of New Grenada in 1815. Doctor Herrera was 
likewise sent last year, 1816, by the Mexican congress, 
as was Don Lino de Clemente by General Bolivar. The 
governmentof Washington, though evidently pleased with 
this revolution, has not judged it expedient to lend the 
independents any assistance ; and indeed, spurred on by 
the Spanish ambassador Onis, it issued a proclamation oh 
1st September, 1815, ordering the persons who had as- 
sembled in Louisiana, with the intention of entering Mexi- 
©0, to be dispersed. A bill was likewise proposed for 
discussion by the President of the United States, and has 
now passed, empowering the government to prevent the 
sale of vessels of war to the subjects of any other power, 
and thus effectually preventing the arming and equipping 
Tessels of war in any of their ports, destined to be em- 
ployed against nations in amity with the United States* 
The citizens have, however, openly declared for the in- 
dependents, and it is owing to their support that the Mexi- 
cans especially have been enabled to repair the continual 
It^sfis which they have sustained in the struggle. 



211 

The junta of Caraccas deputed Don Luis Lopez Men- 
dez and Don Simon Bolivar to solicit the British to sup- 
port their cause. In consequence of this application, the 
British government issued, in 1810, a decree in its West- 
Indian possessions, ordering the islands to maintain a per- 
fect neutrality in the contest between Spain and Spanish 
America, on condition that the new governments should 
act in the name of Ferdinand the Seventh. After the re- 
storation of Ferdinand, the Prince Regent concluded a 
treaty of peace with him ; and in two articles added to 
that treaty, it was,stated, '* that the Prince Regent hoped 
Ferdinand would restore peace in his American colonies ; 
and that, entertaining this hope, he would engage not to 
assist the insurgents, and would even endeavour to pre- 
vent his subjects from giving them any assistance." 

Don Manuel Sarratea's mission from the government of 
^enos Ay res, and that of Don Jose Maria del Real, 
who was sent by the congress of New Grenada in 1814, 
have not been productive of any advantage, though they 
were both commissioned to make proposals very advan- 
tageous to the British commerce ; one was, to offer to the 
British the exclusive commerce with New Grenada and 
Venezuela for twenty years ; yet Don Jose Maria del 
Real has even repeatedly solicited in vain to be favoured 
only with a conference with the minister of the foreign 
department. The exportation of arms from England ta 
the West-Indies has been long attended with great diflS- 
culty ; but now it is entirely prohibited, lest arms thus 
exported should find their way to the independents. 

Notwithstanding the universal discontent existing is 
Spanish America against the Spaniards and their govern- 
ment, which was increased by the Spaniards, declaring 
*' that Spanish America ought to share the fate of Spain^. 
whatever that might be,'* yet it is doubtful whether the 
Spailish Americans would have commenced a revolution 



212 

fead not the British solemnly promised them their support* 
In saying this, I allude to the well-known instructions 
given to Sir Thomas Picton, in the year 1797, by the 
then minister for the colonial department, Mr. Dundas ; 
in which the British government pledges itself to furnish 
every kind of support to those who were exciting revolt 
in Venezuela. These instructions were circulated in the 
islands, and from thence passed over to the continent. 
But they availed nothipg at that period, and might even 
have sunk into oblivion, had not the British government 
again most positively proved its decided intention of 
emancipating Spanish America, first, by the expedition 
sent to Buenos Ay res undei* Generals Whitelock and Be- 
Eesford ; and next, by the expedition fitted out by Gene- 
ral Miranda against Venezuela. This expedition, which 
landed in Portugal to oppose the French in 1 808, was des- 
tined to sail for Spanish America under the command^f 
Lord Wellesley, who was to be accompanied by General 
Miranda, to give independence to the new continent 
So deeply was it impressed on the minds of the inhabit- 
ants of Spanish America, that the English favoured their 
revolution, that, in the beginning of ISIO, none, not even 
the Spaniards, had the smallest doubt on the subject. 
The disappointment of the Americans, when the course 
that the British government was pursuing in the transat- 
lantic disturbances was known, was very severe. It les- 
sened much their confidence of success 4 yet, as the mea- 
sures that the Engli^ were taking were neither decided- 
ly for nor against them, the hopes of the Americans were 
not extinguished. It was exceedingly to be regretted at 
that time that the European policy of England prevented 
her from fulfilling the promises of support which she had 
go unconditionally made to the American patriots. It 
cannot be concealed that these promises had a powerful 
effect in exciting the Americans to the resistance which 



213 

they were then making to Spain — a resistance during 
which more than three hundred thousand lives have been 
lost ; and which, without the interference of England, 
might either have been delayed to a more favourable 
time,^ or so managed as to avoid much of the bloodshed 
and cruelties which it is actually occasioning. 

Two years had elapsed since the revolution had com- 
menced, when the fatal earthquake at Caraccas happened ; 
which, being considered an ominous presage, again bias- 
sed the minds of the people in favour of regal govern- 
ment. The conduct of the governors of the British 
West-India islands, in that season of public distress, 
seemed to evince the policy of the British government 
with respect to the independents. Not the smallest as- 
sistance did the people of Caraccas at that period receive ; 
and it was only by the liberality of the congress of the 
United States that the few whom the earthquake spared 
did not perish by famine. The royalists reconquered 
Venezuela, and were carrying their triumphant arms into 
New Grenada vvith a spirit of revenge corresponding with 
that animosity expressed by the regency of Cadiz to- 
wards the South Americans. The country was then on 
the brink of destruction, and the government of New 
Grenada resorted to the expedient of imploring succour 
from a foreign power. But what power could they have 
recourse to ? Europe seemed at that era divided between 
the government of Bonaparte and the influence of Eng" 
land. From England there was little hope of assistance ; 
she seemed decidedly fixed on her system of neutrality. 
From France, then, alone they had reason to hope for 
protection. Bonaparte had indeed twice declared that 
he would second the efforts of the new world to obtain 
independence ; and the Americans were aware that, if 
such were his will, he could supply them with arms 
and officers, which was all they required. 3ut it was 



^14 

decided, that proposals should be renewed to the United 
States of America ; and in case of failure, an application 
was then to be made to the French government. This 
double mission was intrusted, in the year 1812, to Don 
M. Palacio Faxar. He addressed himself, in cjnse- 
quen,ce, to Bfr. Madison, then Pr€sident of the United 
States of America. He made known to him the danger 
which at that period threatened New Grenada and Vene- 
zuela ; and observed that, unassisted, the people were 
unable to support the struggle necessary to obtain their 
freedom. The President answered, that " though the 
United States of America were not in alliance, they were 
at peace with Spain, and could not therefore assist the 
independents ; still, as inhabitants of the same continent, 
they sincerely wished well to their exertions." Don M. 
Palacio Faxar then addressed himself to M. Serrurier, 
ambassador from France to the United States, who most 
strongly recommended that he should apply to his court. 
This D. P. Faxar did, and Bonaparte did not disappoint 
his expectations. Every arrangement was making to 
give the necessary assistance to the Americans, when the 
battle of Leipsick took place, which led to the total over* 
throw of Bonaparte. 

Spanish America has no allies to support her in her 
present struggle, but the partisans of independence have 
considerably increased within the last seven years. 
Whatever may be the opinion in Europe of the military 
strength of Spain, it is certain that, aided by the religion 
and form of government so long established in America, 
the Spaniards are powerful enemies in the new world. 
The intelligence of the imprisonment of the royal family 
of Spain was not productive of any attempt to revolt ; oa 
the contrary, enthusiasm for assisting the mother country 
in her struggle was universal. The South Americans ex- 
pected that their long-eontintied grievances might now 



meet with redress, since the reins of government were in 
the hands of their companions in those sufferings which 
the preceding administration had for many years inflicted 
upon them. And the addresses from the Spaniards were 
couched in such a style of candour and benevolence, that 
they had great hopes of an approaching political amelio- 
ration. Two years however elapsed, and no change ta- 
king place, their hopes vanished. The proclamation of 
Don Pedro Cevallos, showing the grounds upon which 
Spain might disown the abdications and cessions at Bay- 
onne ; the report presented by Don M. G. Jovellanos to 
the central junta, proving the right which a nation in 
many cases has to revolt against the government ; the 
leading principle of the sovereignty of the people pro- 
claimed by the Spanish juntas : and more particularly 
the decree issued by the central junta, on the loth of 
October, 1809, declaring the South Americans to be 
equal in rights with the Spaniards, enlightened the people 
in the course they were to take in those perplexing cir- 
cumstances in which the mother country found herself 
daily more involved. Hearing now, for the first time, the 
rights of men publicly avowed, and that by the Spaniards, 
it was not extraordinary that the South Americans listened 
with avidity to these doctrines, or that they should deter- 
jnine to avail themselves of the first opportunity to put 
them in practice. The situation of the peninsula grew 
every day more desperate ; the Spanish armies were de- 
feated in almost every engagement ; and what increased 
the evil was, that the treason of their generals was said 
hy the Spaniards to be the cause of these defeats. The 
government was considered to want energy, and its 
members did not possess the confidence of the people* 
The French having dispersed the whole Spanish army at 
Ocana, took possession of the Andalusias, with the excep- 
tion of Cadiz and the island of Leon. Some of the mem- 



* 216 

hets of the central junta then assembled in the island of 
Leon, and placed their pretended power in the hands of a 
regency chosen by themselves. What could Spanish 
America expect from such a government, which scarcely 
possessed ground even to stand on ? To establish provin- 
cial juntas was the prevailing wish ; and this measure was 
adopted in Venezuela, New Grenada, Chili, Buenos 
Ayres, and lastly in Zitaquaro in Mexico. But still a 
rupture with the mother country was not even thought of. 
The Spaniards perceived but too late the extent of the 
evil they had themselves occasioned by their conduct and 
publications. Orders were circulated that no publication, 
; except the gazette of the regency, should be carried into 
/ y America. The poison had however taken effect, and 
these orders could not act as antidotes. More conciliatory 
measures might have checked the spirit for revolt, or at 
least it would have assumed a less obstinate character; 
but after the decree of the regency declaring Caraccas 
in a state of open rebellion, it appeared irrevocably fixed. 
This increased the partisans of the revolution, and con- 
firmed the decisions of its instigators. The Indians and 
the mixed races seemed attached to the revolution from 
the period when equality of rights had been proclaimed, 
and when the new goverment had abolished some of the 
taxes, tributos, alcabala, estancos, &c. 

The cortes might have recalled the allegiance of Spa- 
nish America, had their conduct been consistent with the 
liberal principles which they professed. At first they 
treated the revolution with indifference, and were even 
regardless of the remonstrances made by the deputies re- 
presenting Spanish America, whose nomination they had 
themselves obtained from the Americans residing in the 
island of Leon. And when the cortes were prevailed 
upon to give a hearing to these deputies, their parlia'ity 
and inconsistency were too openly evinced. As an ex> 



217 

ample : it bad been decreed that the constitution formed 
by the cortes, should be established in Mexico and Lima, 
where the authority of the cortes was yet acknowledged. 
The viceroys, Abascal and Venegas, complied with this 
decree ; but some months after, growing weary of the 
observations made by the new publications, they began 
by suspending the liberty of the press. Although this 
was considered by the constitution an act of high treason, 
the cortes, far from enforcing the penalties enacted for 
such an infringement, decreed the entire suspension of 
the constitution until peace should be finally restored in 
Spanish America. 

The return of Ferdinand might have brought with it 
the return of peace. The people were tired of war; 
the leaders of the revolution disappointed in their views; 
a large body of the people in a state of apathy or indif- 
ference ; and, what was still more important, the vene- 
ration attached to the name of Ferdinand still existed^ 
though in some degree lessened. When Morillo carried 
to Venezuela the intelligence of the restoration of the 
king at the head of ten thousand men, he did more inju- 
ry to the r^yal cause by this measure, than the massacres 
of Qiiito, Barinas, Barcelona, Qjjautla, and Goanaxoato, 
or the executions at La Paz, Santa Fe de Bogota, Cartha- 
gena, Puerto Cabello, Acatita de Bajan, Puruaran, &c. 
The South Americans then clearly saw that they had 
nothing to expect either from the nation or from tbe 
king ; the decided revolution may, in consequence, date 
its origin from this period. 

Had thirty thousand men been landed on the Ameri- 
can shores, when intelligence was given of the king's re- 
storation, such a force might perhaps have suspended the 
revolution for some years, though even fifty thousand 
men could not at this period effect as much as a smaller 
ijumber might have done earlier. But it does not appear 
19 



218 

that any great advantage could arise to Europe, or even 
to Spain, were siie again to subdue that country. Should 
the royal forc(is triumph, dislike and innumerable con- 
spiracies would be the necessary consequence of the op- 
pressive system the royalists would introduce. 

To form an idea of the present state of the revolution, 
we must consider Spanish America as divided into three 
parts, which act independently of each other : 1st, Mexi- 
co ; 2d, Venezuela and New Grenada ; 3d, Buenos Ayres 
and Chili, 

In Mexico the conciliatory measures of the new viceroy, 
Apodaca, have succeeded in restoring tranquillity in a 
great part of the revolted provinces ; and if we are to 
believe the Spanish accounts, in the absence of intelligence 
from the patriots, the revolution is now confined to some 
of the Provincias Internas Orientales. An expedition, 
however, landed on the Mexican shores, near Tampico, 
about four months ago, under the young General Mina, 
and his operations against the royalists are notyet known. 

The island of Margarita, Guayana, and part of the pro- 
vinces of Maracaybo, Cumana, Barinas, and Caraccas^ 
are in the power of the independents. General Bolivar, 
as supreme chief, rules the country by the appointment 
of the congress which he had convoked by a proclamation 
dated from Margarita, the 28th of December, 1816. New 
■Grenada is wholly in the possession of the royalists; but 
the provinces of Popayan and Tunja are said to be in a 
state of insurrection. The troops of New Grenada, 
which, after the battle of Cachiri, withdrew into Venezu- 
ela, occupied last March the province of Casanare in New 
Grenada, and part of the provinces of Barinas and Mara- 
caybo. 

The provinces of Rio de la Plata are ruled by the con- 
gress, except La Banda Oriental, which Artigas governs 
independently ; between whom, however, and the con- 



I 



219 

gress, a good understanding now subsists. Artigas' troops 
are employed in repulsing the Portuguese ; and those of 
the congress against the royalists from Lima, who have 
lately retreated to Potosi. Don J. M. Puyrredon is at 
the head of the Buenos Ayres government. An army of 
four thousand men has invaded Chili under the command 
of General San Martin, who, since the battle of Chaca- 
buco, has completely possessed himself of those provin- 
ces. 

The American seas are swarming with privateers 
equipped by the independent governments of Mexico, 
Venezuela, and Buenos Ayres. Most of them are under 
the immediate orders of three officers, who are, Brion 
from Venezuela, Taylor from Buenos Ayres, and Aury 
from Mexico. The privateers cruise in the Gulf of Mexi- 
co, among the West-Indian islands, the Azores, and even 
before Cadiz. 

The situation of the respective armies, the obstinacy of 
the contending parties, and the means they both possess 
of protracting the war, render it probable that it will be 
long. Spain is making* extraordinary efforts to recover 
her authority, and more than forty thousand men have al- 
ready been sent to Spanish America since the beginning 
of the revolution. But what will be the issue of the contest 
at large, it would be hazardous to prognosticate. It 
seems, however, reasonable to suppose, that the spirit of 
independence in Spanish America is too general to be suc- 
cessfully opposed much longer from a distance of two 
thousand leagues in the present state of the Spanish mo=- 
narchj*. 



THE END. 



Y\f^i 



'**' 'i > 



M'i 



